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The scattered means of production that serve the producers themselves as means of employment
and of subsistence, without expanding their own value by the incorporation of the labour of
others, are no more capital than a product consumed by its own producer is a commodity. If, with
the mass of the population, that of the means of production employed in agriculture also
diminished, the mass of the capital employed in agriculture increased, because a part of the means
of production that were formerly scattered, was concentrated and turned into capital.
The total capital of Ireland outside agriculture, employed in industry and trade, accumulated
during the last two decades slowly, and with great and constantly recurring fluctuations; so much
the more rapidly did the concentration of its individual constituents develop. And, however small
its absolute increase, in proportion to the dwindling population it had increased largely.
Here, then, under our own eyes and on a large scale, a process is revealed, than which nothing
more excellent could be wished for by orthodox economy for the support of its dogma: that
misery springs from absolute surplus population, and that equilibrium is re-established by
depopulation. This is a far more important experiment than was the plague in the middle of the
14th century so belauded of Malthusians. Note further: If only the naïveté of the schoolmaster
could apply, to the conditions of production and population of the nineteenth century, the
standard of the 14th, this naïveté, into the bargain, overlooked the fact that whilst, after the plague
and the decimation that accompanied it, followed on this side of the Channel, in England,
enfranchisement and enrichment of the agricultural population, on that side, in France, followed
greater servitude and more misery.
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The Irish famine of 1846 killed more than 1,000,000 people, but it killed poor devils only. To the
wealth of the country it did not the slightest damage. The exodus of the next 20 years, an exodus
still constantly increasing, did not, as, e.g., the Thirty Years’ War, decimate, along with the
human beings, their means of production. Irish genius discovered an altogether new way of
spiriting a poor people thousands of miles away from the scene of its misery. The exiles
transplanted to the United States, send home sums of money every year as travelling expenses for
those left behind. Every troop that emigrates one year, draws another after it the next. Thus,
instead of costing Ireland anything, emigration forms one of the most lucrative branches of its
export trade. Finally, it is a systematic process, which does not simply make a passing gap in the
population, but sucks out of it every year more people than are replaced by the births, so that the
absolute level of the population falls year by year.
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What were the consequences for the Irish labourers left behind and freed from the surplus
population? That the relative surplus population is today as great as before 1846; that wages are
just as low, that the oppression of the labourers has increased, that misery is forcing the country
towards a new crisis. The facts are simple. The revolution in agriculture has kept pace with
emigration. The production of relative surplus population has more than kept pace with the
absolute depopulation. A glance at table C. shows that the change of arable to pasture land must
work yet more acutely in Ireland than in England. In England the cultivation of green crops
increases with the breeding of cattle; in Ireland, it decreases. Whilst a large number of acres, that
were formerly tilled, lie idle or are turned permanently into grass-land, a great part of the waste
land and peat bogs that were unused formerly, become of service for the extension of cattle-
breeding. The smaller and medium farmers – I reckon among these all who do not cultivate more
than 100 acres – still make up about 8/10ths of the whole number.
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They are one after the other,
and with a degree of force unknown before, crushed by the competition of an agriculture
managed by capital, and therefore they continually furnish new recruits to the class of wage
labourers. The one great industry of Ireland, linen-manufacture, requires relatively few adult men
and only employs altogether, in spite of its expansion since the price of cotton rose in 1861-1866,
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a comparatively insignificant part of the population. Like all other great modern industries, it
constantly produces, by incessant fluctuations, a relative surplus population within its own
sphere, even with an absolute increase in the mass of human beings absorbed by it. The misery of
the agricultural population forms the pedestal for gigantic shirt-factories, whose armies of
labourers are, for the most part, scattered over the country. Here, we encounter again the system
described above of domestic industry, which in underpayment and overwork, possesses its own
systematic means for creating supernumerary labourers. Finally, although the depopulation has
not such destructive consequences as would result in a country with fully developed capitalistic
production, it does not go on without constant reaction upon the home-market. The gap which
emigration causes here, limits not only the local demand for labour, but also the incomes of small
shopkeepers, artisans, tradespeople generally. Hence the diminution in incomes between £60 and
£100 in Table E.
A clear statement of the condition of the agricultural labourers in Ireland is to be found in the
Reports of the Irish Poor Law Inspectors (1870).
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Officials of a government which is
maintained only by bayonets and by a state of siege, now open, now disguised, they have to
observe all the precautions of language that their colleagues in England disdain. In spite of this,
however, they do not let their government cradle itself in illusions. According to them the rate of
wages in the country, still very low, has within the last 20 years risen 50-60 per cent., and stands
now, on the average, at 6s. to 9s. per week. But behind this apparent rise, is hidden an actual fall
in wages, for it does not correspond at all to the rise in price of the necessary means of
subsistence that has taken place in the meantime. For proof, the following extract from the
official accounts of an Irish workhouse.
AVERAGE WEEKLY COST PER HEAD
Year ended
Provisions and
Necessaries.
Clothing. TOTAL.
29th Sept., 1849. 1s. 3 1/4d.
3d.
1s. 6 1/4d.
29th Sept., 1869. 2s. 7 1/4d.
6d.
3s. 1 1/4d.
The price of the necessary means of subsistence is therefore
fully twice, and that of clothing
exactly twice, as much as they were 20 years before.
Even apart from this disproportion, the mere comparison of the rate of wages expressed in gold
would give a result far from accurate. Before the famine, the great mass of agricultural wages
were paid in kind, only the smallest part in money; today, payment in money is the rule. From
this it follows that, whatever the amount of the real wage, its money rate must rise.
“Previous to the famine, the labourer enjoyed his cabin ... with a rood, or half-acre
or acre of land, and facilities for ... a crop of potatoes. He was able to rear his pig
and keep fowl.... But they now have to buy bread, and they have no refuse upon
which they can feed a pig or fowl, and they have consequently no benefit from the
sale of a pig, fowl, or eggs.”
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In fact, formerly, the agricultural labourers were but the smallest of the small farmers, and formed
for the most part a kind of rear-guard of the medium and large farms on which they found
employment. Only since the catastrophe of 1846 have they begun to form a fraction of the class
of purely wage labourers, a special class, connected with its wage-masters only by monetary
relations.
We know what were the conditions of their dwellings in 1846. Since then they have grown yet
worse. A part of the agricultural labourers, which, however, grows less day by day, dwells still on