Gonzaga Debate Institute 2010 Scholars Nuclear K’s

Impacts – Prolif – Turns Case

Perception of US hypocrisy is the prime motivation for proliferation
Sagan 4 (Scott D., Prof of Political Science at Stanford Strategic Insights, Volume III, Issue 10, October,http://www.nps.edu/Academics/centers/ccc/publications/OnlineJournal/2004/oct/saganOct04.html 7/2/10)

There are serious conflicts between these two strategies with regard to nuclear non-proliferation. First, dissuasion strategy implies that the United States must maintain a significant degree of superiority in numbers of nuclear forces over other states to reduce their ability and hence incentives to catch up to the United States (relevant to all other nuclear states, except possibly for Russia), or to reduce the capability and incentives of non-nuclear states to acquire weapons. This policy implication of dissuasion strategy, however logical, clearly conflicts with the Article VI commitment to work in good faith toward the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. While a number of current and former government officials have claimed that global perceptions that the U.S. is keeping that commitment are not an important factor in foreign governments’ decisions to develop or not develop nuclear weapons,[8] the cases they cite are always the most difficult ones: states that have little domestic debate and seem determined to get weapons of mass destruction, such as North Korea and Iraq. In a wider set of non-nuclear weapons "fence sitter" states, especially those in which domestic political actors may hold contrasting positions about getting nuclear weapons, the belief that that the U.S. government has abandoned Article VI commitments had increased.[9] It is impossible to predict precisely how such beliefs will influence future debates by such potential proliferators as Japan, South Korea, Saudi Arabia, or Egypt. But it is easy to predict that perceptions that the U.S. is not keeping up its side of the NPT bargain will make it easier for hawks in those countries to argue for abandoning their governments NPT commitments. Even the Iranian government’s decisions about nuclear weapons procurement is likely to be increasingly influenced by domestic political debates in the coming years, and perceptions of U.S. compliance with its treaty obligations (while perhaps less crucial than U.S. coercive diplomacy) may have a significant impact on the substance and outcome of such debates.[10]

Hypocrisy encourages nuclear states to proliferate and first strike
Ellsberg 9 (Daniel, “Ending Nuclear Terrorism: By America and Others,” August 8, RAND Corporation Scholar http://www.ellsberg.net/archive/ending-nuclear-terrorism-by-america-and-others TBC 7/2/10)

All these expressions of nuclear policy—what we do, and what we say to ourselves, as opposed to what we say others should do—especially in the absence now of any serious military threats to US national security, can only encourage potential nuclear states to regard nuclear weapons in the same way that the United States and its major allies, along with Russia, evidently do: as having vital, multiple, legitimate uses, as well as being unparalleled symbols of sovereignty, status, and power. Perhaps most dangerously, such potential proliferators are led by past and present American doctrine and behavior to consider—among the possible, acceptable and valuable uses of nuclear weapons—the issuance and possible execution of nuclear first-use threats: i.e., the “option” of threatening to initiate nuclear attacks, and if necessary of carrying out such threats.

Impacts – Prolif – Turns Case

US hypocrisy causes proliferation
Edwards 8 (Gordon Global Research, September 6, President of the Canadian Coalition for Nuclear Responsibilityhttp://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=10089 TBC 7/2/10)

In fact, under the influence of the USA, NATO maintains that nuclear weapons are necessary for defense and insists that it will; be the first to use nuclear weapons if there is a conventional conflict which they cannot win with conventional weapons. If this is so, then how can one argue that other nations cannot also have nuclear weapons "as necessary for defense?" Thus the idea of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is seen as a hypocritical charade based on an increasingly obnoxious double-standard : "Do as we say, not as we do." If there is to be any hope of a secure and sustainable planet, there has to be a mass movement calling for the total elimination of all nuclear weapons everywhere. Even" nuclear hawks" like Kissinger and Schultz in the USA, and highly placed officials in other nuclear weapons states suchas Britain, and the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, El-Baradei, have spoken out strongly in recent times for the absolute necessity of reducing the number of nuclear weapons in the world to ZERO. It is not because of these men that we should call for abolition of weapons, it is simply an indication of how inescapable the logic has become. We literally have to choose between the Human Race and the Nuclear Arms Race. We cannot hold on to both.

Impacts – Racism – D-Rule

Racism must be rejected in every instance

Barndt 91 (co-director of Ministry Working to Dismantle Racism, Dismantling Racism, p. 155) jl

To study racism is to study walls. We have looked at barriers and fences, restraints and limitations, ghettos and prisons. The prison of racism confines us all, people of color and white people alike. It shackles the victimizer as well as the victim. The walls forcibly keep people of color and white people separate from each other; in our separate prisons we are all prevented from achieving the human potential God intends for us. The limitations imposed on people of color by poverty, subservience, and powerlessness are cruel, inhuman, and unjust; the effects of uncontrolled power, privilage, and greed, whicha are the marks of our white prison, will inevitably destroy us as well. But we have also seen that the walls of racism can be dismantled. We are not condemned to an inexorable fate, but are offered the vision and the possibility of freedom. Brick by brick, stone by stone, the prison of individual, institutional, and cultural racism can be destroyed. You and I are urgently called to joining the efforts of those who know it is time to tear down, once and for all, the walls of racism. The danger point of self-destruction seems to be drawing even more near. The results of centuries of national and worldwide conquest and colonialism, of military buildups and violent aggression, of overconsumption and environmental destruction may be reaching a point of no return. A small and predominantly white minority of the global population derives its power and privelage from the sufferings of vast majority of peoples of all color. For the sake of the world and ourselves, we dare not allow it to continue.