History of science society distinguished lecture

²⁰ See Katharine Park, Secrets of Women: Gender, Generation, and the Origins of Human Dissection (New York: Zone, 2006), esp. Ch. 3.

²¹ Vivian Nutton, “Books, Printing, and Medicine in the Renaissance,” Medicina nei Secoli, 2005, 17:421–442.

²² See Brian Ogilvie, “The Many Books of Nature: Renaissance Naturalists and Information Overload,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 2003, 64:29–40; and, more generally, Ogilvie, The Science of Describing: Natural History in Renaissance Europe (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2006). See also Harold J. Cook, “Physicians and Natural History,” in Cultures of Natural History, ed. N. Jardine, J. A. Secord, and E. C. Spary (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1996), pp. 91–105; and Sachiko Kusukawa, Picturing the Book of Nature: Image, Text, and Argument in Sixteenth-Century Human Anatomy and Medical Botany (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2012).

²³ Colombo’s account appeared in his posthumously published De re anatomica libri XV (Venice, 1559).

²⁴ Charles B. Schmitt, Aristotle and the Renaissance (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1983).

²⁵ See, e.g., Girolamo Fabrici, De visione voce auditu (Venice, 1600), dedicatory preface to De oculo visus organo liber, fol. *iir: “Nam quod ad Veteres attinet; satis constat, primum multorum opera periisse; tum ea, quae exstant, ut Aristotelis et Galeni; esse eiusmodi, ut facile appareat, multa illos fugisse, multa fefellisse.”

²⁶ Gabriele Falloppia, Observationes anatomicae ad Petrum Mannam, medicum Cremonensem (1561; Paris, 1562), p. 7: “quaerere coepi, an in hac arte, in qua Hippocrates primum, deinde Aristoteles, praeterea Erasistratus, Marinus, ac Herophilus, et tandem Galenus erravit, solus Vesalius reperiatur, qui nihil unquam dormitando, non solum hos divinos scriptores, sed etiam Homerum ipsum aliquando (ut fertur in adagio) dormitantem superarit, seu potius aliquid sit ab ipso praetermissum, vel non satis integre enarratum, seu aliquid distortum, vel ab historia partium corporis humani discrepans, in illius volumine anatomico reperiatur.”

²⁷ Fabrici, De visione voce auditu, dedicatory preface to De oculo visus organo liber (cit. n. 25), fols. *iir–v: “exacte luculenterque scripsit, multis ut in rebus etiam Antiquos superavit” and “Quam multa etiam a meipso adiecta.” Some two hundred of the life-sized paintings commissioned by Fabrici are today in the Biblioteca Marciana; see Maurizio Rippa Bonati and José Pardo-Tomás, eds., Il teatro dei corpi: Le pitture colorate d’anatomia di Girolamo Fabrici d’Acquapendente (Milan: Mediamed Edizioni Scientifiche, 2004), published in connection with an exhibition of these paintings in 2004–2005.

²⁸ Cynthia Klestinec, “Practical Experience in Anatomy,” in The Body as Object and Instrument of Knowledge: Embodied Empiricism in Early Modern Science, ed. Charles T. Wolfe and Ofer Gal (Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 25) (Dordrecht: Springer, 2010), pp. 33–57; and Richard Palmer, “Physicians and Surgeons in Sixteenth-Century Venice,” Medical History, 1979, 23:451–460. The source for the student complaints is the Acta of the German student nation at Padua, Atti della Nazione Germanica Artista nello studio di Padova (Venice: Typographia Emiliana, 1911–1967), Vols. 1 and 2, ed. Antonio Favaro, which Klestinec discusses.

²⁹ On the development and uses of exempla in medieval and Renaissance medicine see Chiara Crisciani, “Exempla in medicina: Epistemologia, insegnamento, retorica (secoli XIII–XV): Una proposta di ricerca,” in Exempla medicorum: Die Ärzte und ihre Beispiele (14.–18. Jahrhundert), ed. Mariacarla Gadebusch Bondio and Thomas Ricklin (Micrologus’ Library, 26) (Florence: SISMEL/Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2008), pp. 89–108; Gabriella Zuccolin, “Il ruolo dell’exemplum nella produzione medica e religiosa di Michele Savonarola (1385–1466),” ibid., pp. 109–128; Bondio, “Von der Vielfalt der Exempla in frühneuzeitlichen medizinischen Texten,” ibid., pp. 129–170; and Roberto Poma, “Formes de l’exemplarité dans la médicine des XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” ibid., pp. 171–188. On narrative in medieval surgical works see, e.g., Nancy G. Siraisi, “How to Write a Latin Book on Surgery: Organizing Principles and Authorial Devices in Guglielmo da Saliceto and Dino del Garbo,” in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García Ballester et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994), pp. 88–109. For examples of thirteenth-century consilia see Taddeo Alderotti, Consilia di Taddeo Alderotti, XIII secolo, ed. Piero Giorgi and Gian Franco Pasini (Bologna: Istituto per la Storia dell’Università di Bologna, 1997). On the development of consilia as a genre see Jole Agrimi and Crisciani, Les consilia médicaux (Typologie des Sources du Moyen Âge Occidental) (Turnhout: Brepols, 1994).

³⁰ Regarding the new availability of the Epidemics see Vivian Nutton, “Hippocrates in the Renaissance,” in Die hippokratischen Epidemien: Theorie—Praxis—Tradition: Verhandlungen des Ve Colloque international hippocratique, ed. Gerhard Baader and Rolf Winau (Sudhoffs Archiv, Suppl. 27) (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989), pp. 420–439. On the development of case histories, collections of observationes, and similar productions in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries see Gianna Pomata, “‘Observatio’ ovvero ‘Historia’: Note su empirismo e storia in età moderna,” Quaderni Storici, 1996, no. 91, pp. 173–198; Pomata, “Praxis historialis: The Uses of Historia in Early Modern Medicine,” in Historia, ed. Pomata and Siraisi (cit. n. 5), pp. 105–146; Pomata, “Sharing Cases: The Observationes in Early Modern Medicine,” Early Science and Medicine, 2010, 15:193–236 (for a list of collections of Curationes and Observationes published from 1551 to 1676 see pp. 232–236); Simona Cerutti and Pomata, eds., Fatti: Storie dell’evidenza empirica, Quad. Stor., 2001, no. 108; Brian Nance, Turquet de Mayerne as Baroque Physician (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2001), esp. Ch. 2; and Nancy G. Siraisi, The Clock and the Mirror (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1997), Ch. 9.

³¹ Maclean, Logic, Signs, and Nature in the Renaissance (cit. n. 15), Ch. 8; Girolamo Cardano, In prognosticorum Hippocratis librum, libri quatuor 2.59, in Opera omnia (Lyon, 1663), Vol. 8, p. 706; and Siraisi, Clock and the Mirror, pp. 114–115 (on Cardano’s classroom lecture).

³² Marsilio Cagnati, De Romani aeris salubritati commentarius (Rome, 1599), pp. 22–24; and Cagnati, In Hippocratis aphorismum secundae sectionis vicesimum quartum commentarius (Rome, 1591), pp. 21–23.

³³ The work on diagnostic method is Santorio Santorio, Methodi vitandorum errorum omnium, qui in arte medica contingunt libri quindecim (Venice, 1603). This work is extensively analyzed (using the edition published in Geneva in 1630) in Maclean, Logic, Signs, and Nature in the Renaissance (cit. n. 15). Santorio, Ars ... de statica medicina, aphorismorum sectionibus septem comprehensa (Venice, 1614), was published in numerous subsequent editions through much of the eighteenth century and translated into several different languages, including English. For an example of its later influence even outside medicine see Lucia Dacome, “Resurrecting by Numbers in Eighteenth-Century England,” Past and Present, 2006, 193:73–110. On Santorio see M. D. Grmek, “Santorio, Santorio,” in Complete Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. Charles C. Gillispie et al. (Gale Virtual Reference Library) (Detroit: Scribner’s, 2008), Vol. 12, pp. 101–104. On the concept of insensible perspiration see E. T. Renbourn, “The Natural History of Insensible Perspiration: A Forgotten Doctrine of Health and Disease,” Med. Hist., 1960, 4:135–152.