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debased’.
Yet the text with which Swinburne’s Tristram seems to contrast most
directly is Arnold’s earlier ‘Tristram and Iseult’. Unlike Arnold, Swinburne was
uninterested in the medieval as a moral theatre, in which thoughtless passions have
dire consequences. There are no unfortunate orphans running about in the final verses
to warn the reader o f the dangers of unbridled desire. And Arnold’s other moral
centrepiece, Iseult o f Brittany, is presented without sympathy:
So bitter burned within the unchilded wife
A virgin lust for vengeance, and such hate
Wrought in her now the fervent work of hate.103
Instead, the passion o f Tristram and Iseult of Ireland is the sole focus of this poem.
And, again unlike Arnold, it is their death which constitutes the poem’s tragic
conclusion:
No change or gleam or gloom of sun and rain,
But all the time long the might of all the main
Spread round them as round earth soft heaven is spread,
And peace more strong than death round all the death.
For death is o f an hour, and after death
Peace: nor aught that fear of fancy saith,
Nor even for very love’s own sake, shall strife
Perplex again that perfect peace with life.104
Certainly, Swinburne’s version of the Tristram story is antithetical to Arnold’s
account - though perhaps in making the subject of his poem exclusively that of
Tristram and Iseult’s love for each other, Swinburne is partly influenced by the
nineteenth-century’s domestication of all things medieval. But the common
perception of his Tristram as forming an alternative to Tennyson’s Idylls is less
convincing.
Following Swinburne’s own estimation of his verse, Richard Barber has
written that it was composed in a unique ‘verse-form constructed according to his own
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theories’.105 Yet there are Tennysonian resonances everywhere. In the passage quoted
above the soft alliteration, the repetitions and cadences strongly resemble Tennyson’s
(cf. ‘To make men worse by making my own sin known? / Or sin seem less, the sinner
seeming great’, or, ‘His honour rooted in dishonour stood, / And Faith unfaithful kept
him falsely true’).106 Swinburne’s conception of the lovers’ death as escape, couched
in the language of the elements - ‘gleam or gloom of sun and rain’ - echoes
Tennyson’s description o f Avalon as the ‘island-valley [...] Where falls not hail, or
rain, or any snow’.107 Indeed, the closeness of style between the Idylls and Tristram is
evident throughout: Swinburne’s manner of relating the story through a series of set
pieces, rather than through narrative progression, resembles Tennyson’s
fragmentation o f the traditional Arthurian legend into similar self-contained passages.
Even the sea-imagery that is often celebrated in Swinburne’s poem, finds its
predecessor in Tennyson’s Idylls,108
O f course, Swinburne’s verse is less stately than Tennyson’s and there is no
denouncement of Tristram and Iseult’s adultery to respond to the Idylls’
condemnation of the lovers in ‘Guinevere’.109 Yet it is remarkable how many
Tennysonian devices and stylistic mannerisms Swinburne adopted when producing
his poetic cycle. Indeed, the whole work appears, not so much as an antithesis of
Tennyson’s Idylls, but as an ancillary or parallel - less moral in tone but derivative
both in style and also in its conception of the uses of the medieval as ^vehicle for
domestic tragedy. And when Swinburne returned to the Arthurian myth later in his
career, he did so with the ‘Tale of Balen’ (1896),110 a straight-forward retelling of the
legend which ‘involves no moral problems’ and like Arnold’s and Tennyson’s verse
‘fits into the pattern o f family tragedy’.111 Indeed, in its uncomplicated structure and
simple, though somewhat protracted, narration, it is typical of the second-rate
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adaptations which proliferated throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. A
generation after they had been written, readers appeared to have had little concept of
the poets’ differences, which are so commonly emphasised by modem critics. Thomas
Hardy certainly displayed no discrimination between them in his preface to The
Famous Tragedy o f the Queen o f Cornwall (1923); instead he declared that in his own
work he had ‘tried to avoid turning the rude personages of, say, the fifth-century into
respectable Victorians, as was done by Tennyson, Swinburne, Arnold, etc.’112
However opposed to the Tennysonian paradigm Victorian writers were, their
work could not help but be influenced by or subsumed within it. The extent of
Tennyson’s paradigmatic authority can be demonstrated by the relation o f nineteenth-
century Arthurian literary production to the publication history of Tennyson’s poetry.
During the Idylls' period of composition and publication in individual groups (two in
1857, two more added in 1859; four published in 1869; another two in 1872) the
dominant poetic and artistic mode of other Arthurian cultural productions reflected
Tennyson’s style: they were chiefly lyrical poems or isolated episodes from Malory’s
Morte Darthur, such as the works of Rossetti, Morris and Owen Meredith (Edward
Robert Bulwer-Lytton).113 After the publication of the Idylls as a twelve-book epic,
the nature of English Arthurian literature changed. Upon realising the full extent of
Tennyson’s tragic treatment o f the legend, a tragedy that grows from malign rumours
in the early poems to full-blown calamity in the final idylls, writers became duly
preoccupied in their versions of the Matter of Britain with social and dynastic
collapse. This is particularly evident in Arthurian drama of the 1890s (discussed
below). Even the tendencies in visual representations of the myth altered from the
Pre-Raphaelites’ impressions of individual ‘affective moments’ in the legend towards
tragic epic cycles - such as in the later work of Edward Burne-Jones or F.J.
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