[104] The Great Transformation
based. Not only did it put a premium on the shirking of work and the
pretense of inadequacy, but it increased the attraction of pauperism
precisely at the juncture when a man was straining to escape the fate of
the destitute. Once a man was in the poorhouse (he would usually
land there if he and his family had been for some time on the rates), he
was morally and psychologically trapped. The decencies and self-
respect of centuries of settled life wore off quickly in the promiscuity
of the poorhouse, where a man had to be cautious not to be thought
better off than his neighbor, lest he be forced to start out on the hunt
for work, instead of "boondoggling" in the familiar fold. "The poor-
rate had become public spoil.... To obtain their share the brutal bul-
lied the administrators, the profligate exhibited their bastards which
must be fed, the idle folded their arms and waited till they got it; igno-
rant boys and girls married upon it; poachers, thieves and prostitutes
extorted it by intimidation; country justices lavished it for popularity,
and Guardians for convenience. This was the way the fund went...."
"Instead of the proper number of labourers to till his land—labourers
paid by himself—the farmer was compelled to take double the num-
ber, whose wages were paid partly out of the rates; and these men, be-
ing employed by compulsion on him, were beyond his control—
worked or not as they chose—let down the quality of his land, and dis-
abled him from employing the better men who would have toiled hard
for independence. These better men sank down amongst the worst;
the rate-paying cottager, after a vain struggle, went to the pay table to
seek relief...." Thus Harriet Martineau.* Bashful latter-day liberals
ungratefully neglected the memory of this outspoken apostle of their
creed. Yet even her exaggerations, which they now feared, put the
highlights in the right place. She herself belonged to that struggling
middle class, whose genteel poverty made them all the more sensitive
to the moral intricacies of the Poor Law. She understood and clearly
expressed the need of society for a new class, a class of "independent
laborers." They were the heroes of her dreams, and she makes one of
them—a chronically unemployed laborer who refuses to go on re-
lief—say proudly to a colleague who decides to go on the rates: "Here
I stand, and defy anybody to despise me. I could set my children into
the middle of the church aisle and dare anyone to taunt at them about
the place they hold in society. There may be some wiser; there may be
* Martineau, H., History of England during the Thirty Years' Peace (1816-46), 1849.
Antecedents and Consequences [105]
many richer; but there are none more honourable." The big men of the
ruling class were still far from comprehending the need for this new
class. Miss Martineau pointed to "the vulgar error of the aristocracy,
of supposing only one class of society to exist below that wealthy one
with which they are compelled by their affairs to have business." Lord
Eldon, she complained, like others who must know better, "included
under one head ['the lower classes'] everybody below the wealthiest
bankers—manufacturers, tradesmen, artisans, labourers and pau-
pers. .. ."* But it was the distinction between these last two, she pas-
sionately insisted, that the future of society depended upon. "Except
the distinction between sovereign and subject, there is no social
difference in England so wide as that between the independent la-
bourer and the pauper; and it is equally ignorant, immoral, and im-
politic to confound the two," she wrote. This, of course, was hardly a
statement of fact; the difference between the two strata had become
nonexistent under Speenhamland. Rather, it was a statement of policy
based upon a prophetic anticipation. The policy was that of the Poor
Law Reform Commissioners; the prophecy looked to a free competi-
tive labor market, and the consequent emergence of an industrial pro-
letariat. The abolishment of Speenhamland was the true birthday of
the modern working class, whose immediate self-interest destined
them to become the protectors of society against the intrinsic dangers
of a machine civilization. But whatever the future had in store for
them, working-class and market economy, appeared in history to-
gether. The hatred of public relief, the distrust of state action, the insis-
tence on respectability and self-reliance, remained for generations
characteristics of the British worker.
The repeal of Speenhamland was the work of a new class entering
on the historical scene, the middle classes of England. Squirearchy
could not do the job these classes were destined to perform: the trans-
formation of society into a market economy. Dozens of laws were re-
pealed and others enacted before that transformation was on the way.
The Parliamentary Reform Bill of 1832 disfranchised the rotten bor-
oughs and gave power in the Commons once and for all to business-
men. Their first great act of reform was the abolishing of Speenham-
land. Now that we realize the degree to which its paternalist methods
were merged with the life of the country, we will understand why even
* Martineau, H., The Parish, 1833.
[106] The Great Transformation
the most radical supporters of reform hesitated to suggest a shorter
period of transition than ten or fifteen years. Actually, it took place
with an abruptness which makes nonsense of the legend of English
gradualism fostered at a later time when arguments against radical re-
form were sought. The memory of that brutal shock haunted for gen-
erations the British working class. And yet the success of this lacerat-
ing operation was due to the deep-seated convictions of the broad
strata of the population, including the laborers themselves, that the
system which to all appearances supported them was in truth despoil-
ing them, and that the "right to live" was sickness unto death.
The new law provided that in the future no outdoor relief should
be given. Its administration was national and differentiated. In this re-
spect also it was a thoroughgoing reform. Aid-in-wages was, of course,
discontinued. The workhouse test was reintroduced, but in a new
sense. It was now left to the applicant to decide whether he was so ut-
terly destitute of all means that he would voluntarily repair to a shelter
which was deliberately made into a place of horror. The workhouse
was invested with a stigma; to stay in it was made into a psychological
and moral torture, while complying with the requirements of hygiene
and decency—indeed, ingeniously using them as a pretense for fur-
ther deprivations. Not the justices of peace, nor local overseers, but
wider authorities—the guardians—were to administer the law under
dictatorial central supervision. The very burial of a pauper was made
an act by which his fellow men renounced solidarity with him even in
death.
In 1834 industrial capitalism was ready to be started, and Poor Law
Reform was ushered in. The Speenhamland Law which had protected
rural England, and thereby the laboring population in general, against
the full force of the market mechanism was eating into the marrow of
society. By the time of its repeal huge masses of the laboring popula-
tion resembled more the specters that might haunt a nightmare than
human beings. But if the workers were physically dehumanized, the
owning classes were morally degraded. The traditional unity of a
Christian society was giving place to a denial of responsibility on the
part of the well-to-do for the condition of their fellows. The Two Na-
tions were taking shape. To the bewilderment of thinking minds,
unheard-of wealth turned out to be inseparable from unheard-of pov-
erty. Scholars proclaimed in unison that a science had been discovered
which put the laws governing man's world beyond any doubt. It was at
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