CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
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In a classic experiment, Elliot Aronson and Judson Mills (1959) explored the link
between effort and dissonance reduction. In their experiment, college students vol-
unteered to join a group that would be meeting regularly to discuss various aspects of
the psychology of sex. To be admitted to the group, they volunteered to go through a
screening procedure. For one-third of the participants, the procedure was demanding
and unpleasant; for another third, it was only mildly unpleasant; and the final third was
admitted to the group without any screening at all.
Each participant was then allowed to listen in on a discussion being conducted by
the members of the group he or she would be joining. Although the participants were
led to believe that the discussion was live, they were listening to a prerecorded tape.
The taped discussion was designed to be as dull and bombastic as possible. After the
discussion was over, each participant was asked to rate it in terms of how much he or
she liked it, how interesting it was, how intelligent the participants were, and so forth.
As you can see in Figure 6.3, participants who expended little or no effort to get
into the group did not enjoy the discussion much. They were able to see it for what it
was—a dull and boring waste of time. Participants who went through a severe initia-
tion, however, convinced themselves that the same discussion, though
not as scintillating as they had hoped, was dotted with interesting and
provocative tidbits and was therefore, in the main, a worthwhile expe-
rience. These findings have been replicated under a variety of circum-
stances: people justify the effort they have expended on everything
from a worthless self-help program to a course of physical therapy
(e.g., Coleman, 2010; Conway & Ross, 1984; Cooper, 1980; Gerard
& Mathewson, 1966).
We are not suggesting that most people enjoy difficult, un-
pleasant experiences, nor that people enjoy things that are merely
associated with unpleasant experiences. What we are asserting is
that if a person agrees to go through a demanding or an unpleas-
ant experience in order to attain some goal or object, that goal or
object becomes more attractive. Thus, if you were walking to the
discussion group and a passing car splashed mud all over you, you
would not like that group any better. However, if you volunteered
to jump into a mud puddle in order to be admitted to a group that
turned out to be boring, you would like the group better. (See the
Try It! above.)
external versus Internal Justification
Suppose your friend Jen shows you her expensive new dress and asks your opinion.
You think it is atrocious and are about to say so, advising her to exchange it before an-
other human being sees her in it, when she tells you that she has already had it altered,
Figure 6.3
The Justification of effort
The more effort we put into be-
coming members of a group, and
the tougher the initiation, the more
we will like the group we have just
joined—even if it turns out to be
a dud.
(Adapted from Aronson & Mills, 1959.)
Control
(no initiation)
100
Rating
for the discussion group
(higher rating means greater liking)
Mild
initiation
90
80
Severe
initiation
Severity of initiation
Severe
Mild
Control
TrY IT!
Justifying Actions
Think about something that you have gone after in the past
that required you to put in a lot of effort or that caused you
considerable trouble. Perhaps you waited for several hours
in a long line to get tickets to a concert; perhaps you sat in
your car through an incredible traffic jam because it was the
only way you could visit a close friend.
1. List the things you had to go through to attain your
goal.
2. Do you think you tried to justify all that effort? Did you
find yourself exaggerating the good things about the
goal and minimizing any negative aspects of the goal?
List some of the ways you might have exaggerated the
value of the goal.
3. The next time you put in a lot of effort to reach a goal,
you might want to monitor your actions and cognitions
carefully to see if the goal was really worth it or whether
there is any self-justification involved.
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14
CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
which means that she cannot return it. What do you say? Chances are you go through
something like the following thought process: “Jen seems so happy and excited about
her new dress. She spent a lot of money for it, and she can’t take it back. If I say what I
think, I’ll upset her.”
So you tell Jen that you like her dress. Do you experience much dissonance?
We doubt it. Many thoughts are consonant with having told this lie, as outlined in
your reasoning. In effect, your cognition that it is important not to embarrass or
cause pain to people you like provides ample external justification for having told
a harmless lie.
What happens, though, if you say something you don’t believe when there isn’t a
good external justification for being insincere? What if your friend Jen is wealthy and
can easily afford to absorb the cost of her ugly new dress? What if she sincerely wanted
to know what you thought? Now the external justifications—the reasons for lying to
Jen about the dress—are minimal. If you still withhold your true opinion, you will expe-
rience dissonance. When you can’t find external justification for your behavior, you will
attempt to find internal justification; you will try to reduce dissonance by changing
something about yourself, such as your attitude or behavior.
Counterattitudinal Advocacy
How can you do this? You might begin by looking
harder for positive things about the dress that you hadn’t noticed before. Within a short
time, your attitude toward the dress will have moved in the direction of the statement
you made. And that is how saying becomes believing. Its official term is counterattitudinal
advocacy. It occurs when we claim to have an opinion or attitude that differs from our
true beliefs. When we do this with little external justification—that is, without being
motivated by something outside of ourselves—what we believe begins to conform more
and more to the lie we told.
This proposition was first tested in a groundbreaking experiment by Leon Festinger
and J. Merrill Carlsmith (1959). College students were induced to spend an hour per-
forming a series of excruciatingly boring and repetitive tasks. The experimenter then
told them that the purpose of the study was to determine whether or not people would
perform better if they had been informed in advance that the tasks were interest-
ing. They were each informed that they had been randomly assigned to the control
condition—that is, they had not been told anything in advance. However, he explained,
the next participant, a young woman who was just arriving in the anteroom, was going
to be in the experimental condition. The researcher said that he needed to convince her
that the task was going to be interesting and enjoyable. Because it was much more con-
vincing if a fellow student rather than the experimenter delivered this message, would
the participant do so? Thus, with his request, the experimenter induced the participants
to lie about the task to another student.
Half of the students were offered $20 for telling the lie (a large external justifica-
tion), while the others were offered only $1 for telling the lie (a small external justifi-
cation). After the experiment was over, an interviewer asked the lie-tellers how much
they had enjoyed the tasks they had performed earlier in the experiment. The results
validated the hypothesis: The students who had been paid $20 for lying—that is, for
saying that the tasks had been enjoyable—rated the activities as the dull and boring ex-
periences they were. But those who were paid only $1 for saying the task was enjoyable
rated the task as significantly more enjoyable. In other words, people who had received
an abundance of external justification for lying told the lie but didn’t believe it, whereas
those who told the lie without much external justification convinced themselves that
what they said was closer to the truth.
Can you induce a person to change an attitude about things that matter? Let’s
consider two issues that, for decades, have been of interest to students: the police and
pot. Throughout American history, students have launched campus sit-ins and other
demonstrations to protest segregation, sex discrimination, the Vietnam War, tuition
increases, and, in 2011, Wall Street greed and lack of corporate accountability. Many
of these protests were met with excessive force by the police, who used clubs, tear
gas, and pepper spray on the students to disperse them. You can imagine how angry
that action made the protesters and their supporters. Is it possible to change students’
external Justification
A reason or an explanation for
dissonant personal behavior that
resides outside the individual (e.g.,
in order to receive a large reward
or avoid a severe punishment).
internal Justification
The reduction of dissonance by
changing something about oneself
(e.g., one’s attitude or behavior).
Counterattitudinal
Advocacy
Stating an opinion or attitude that
runs counter to one’s private belief
or attitude.
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