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Cultural Markers of Ukrainian Public Space: Mixture and Instability. The City of Lviv Case
cal downtowns and their problems often remain unrecognized by city officials (Syhiv in
Lviv,
Nowa Huta in Krakow, and Novy Belgrade in Belgrade etc.).
Central European and multiculturalism talks exist at the level of the official and intel-
lectual narrative
10
. It is interesting to trace how this ideology is perceived by Lviv dwellers
through the popular culture. Popular signs of Lviv’s streets, namely, graffiti and inscrip-
tions, tell a different story about the contemporary culture of the old city. Graffiti are
spread everywhere, both in the city center and in sleeping districts. Attitude to them dif-
fers depending on the cultural formation which caused their rise. During the times of close
attention to and concern in certain historical heritage inscriptions in Polish and Jewish
become objects of great interest. These inscriptions appeared as signs of previous times,
showing through the old stucco. Usually these are names of goods that were sold in small
shops and some advertisements. The most famous example is a contemporary luxury shoe
store ‘Godasse’ which used renovated inscriptions in its exterior design. Owners of shops,
restaurants, and cafés try to use these signs of antiquity for commercial reasons. It shall
be mentioned that there are no present-day inscriptions in Polish or Jewish in Lviv. The
presence of these particular ethnic groups is more tangible in the media discourse where
one using the example of
Godasse shoe store can discuss disadvantages or incorrect use
of Jewish or Polish historical heritage. There is a controversial issue concerning the idea
of Lviv being a ‘Polish city’ in Polish and local media but no protest graffiti like ‘Lviv for
Poles’ can be found on city walls.
The English-language inscriptions connected with rap and graffiti subcultures domi-
nate everywhere. The variety of slogans, graffiti and other inscriptions, which cover old
historical walls as well as blocks like a queer carpet, demonstrates an original marginal
cultural phenomenon. Graffiti-culture turned by younger generations into an artistically
valued phenomenon demonstrates how familiar and comfortable their creators are with
their own city. They used city walls for their personal expression which remains much
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Cultural Markers of Ukrainian Public Space: Mixture and Instability. The City of Lviv Case
There are also funny examples such as the inscription “Dyakovych gomik” (“Dya-
kovych is gay”) widespread in Lviv (in fact no one knows who is Dyakovych). In some
of the offensive inscriptions one
letter was changed by someone
from “g” to “r”, turning the in-
scription into “Dyakovych romik’
(this means that Dyakovych’s first
name is “Roman”).
Popular signs on city walls
are more about xenophobia and
a strong nationalist mood rather
than about the celebration of
multiculturalism and feeling of
belonging to Central Europe. Mul-
tiplicity of phenomena shows that
there are no clear and permanent
contradictions between
two oppositions. Interrelations between ideologies and alterna-
tive narratives are in conflict with each other but they exist rather in parallel realities. Even
in case with
gallows it looks like a game, not like a war.
During the Soviet times the interrelation between ideologies (for example, Commu-
nism and religion) was at the level of repression. In public space it was revealed in the
non-religious use of religious buildings and the confrontation of visual signs of ideologies
situated close to each other. For example, a big religious complex on the bank of the
Dnieper river in Kyiv, “Pecherska Lavra” could not be simply destroyed as it is a historical
heritage of great importance. A huge statue of Mother-land (Rodina-mat’) was erected
near Lavra in 1981. It was much taller than the church. The message is clear: a taller Soviet
monument declared the triumph of communist ideology. There
are some similar tenden-
cies in the Ukrainian public space, namely to impose national ideology using names of
streets, monuments and celebrations. I have even heard a story that in the 1990s a part
of the sword of Rodina-mat’ was removed to make the Soviet monument shorter than
Lavra’s bell tower. If it really happened, then it was an attempt of new political forces to
use
religion or,
possibly, religion used the state to confirm its own importance?
A lot of cultural signs and markers exist in public space simultaneously. They are signs
of subcultures, ethnic groups, religious confessions, etc with nobody prohibiting them.
It is obvious that Soviet heritage was completely excluded from the image of Lviv. That
was made not just due to some ideological reasons as such silence was used to sell and
transform post-Soviet industrial areas situated almost in the city center into commercial
centers without any thorough control of the community. But Soviet heritage is still quite
influential in other (Central or Eastern) cities. Lenin’s monuments were not removed and
Lenin’s streets were not renamed in Donetsk or Dniepropetrovsk. Semiotics of the city-
scape presupposes a certain kind of historical memory. It is important to know how local