37
extended
far to the east, to the central Danube and Syrmia, where the mountain Fruška Gora
bears their name to this day. However, the victory did not lead to the immediate pacification
of the newly conquered areas. In 799, Gerold and Erik, the two prefects on the Franks’ eastern
flank, fell – in modern terms, it was the loss of a four- or five-star general. The former,
responsible for Bavaria and the northern border, met his death somewhere in Pannonia, and
the second, responsible for Friuli, and the southern section of the border, died in an ambush
near the town of Trsat in Liburnia, not far from today’s Rijeka in Croatia. In 803 and 811, the
Frankish army again had to intervene in Pannonia.
As suddenly as they had arrived, the Avars disappeared from history. An Old Russian
proverb: “They disappeared like the Avars, who have neither ancestors, nor descendants,”
cited in the Chronicle of Nestor illustrates this feature of ethnogenesis, which is so
characteristic of the Steppe nomads. However, this does not mean that the people who had
identified themselves (or been identified) with the Avar name disappeared. Effectively, only
the name disappeared; after the Frankish conquests, Slavic pressure, advances by the Bulgars
and civil wars it lost its meaning and reputation. In the case of the Avars, these were both very
strongly linked to the khagan. The supra-regional and polyethnic community that lived under
the Avar name included significant levels of stratification. In the ruins of the Avar khaganate,
which experienced more of a political than a physical collapse, Slavic and other peoples
grouped together in new local and regional communities, in a new process of ethnogenesis. In
805, with Charlemagne’s permission, some of the Avars were consolidated into an Avar client
principality on Frankish soil, in upper Pannonia between the Danube and the Raab. This
retained an internal tribal constitution, but its Christianised prince only retained the authority
and honour of a khagan with the express permission of Charlemagne. The last mention of
these ‘Frankish’ Avars as a political people is at the same time as the mention of the
Moravians, in 822. One ethnogenesis came to an end, while another began.
The large swathes of new Frankish territory had to be organised administratively and
ecclesiastically. The ecclesiastical issue was originally focused on a rapid and successful
mission. As early as summer 796, in a Frankish military camp on the Danube in Pannonia, a
group of bishops from Pippin’s retinue were already in discussion at a special synod, even
while the military advance was underway. This group included Paulinus, the patriarch of
Aquileia and Arno, the bishop of Salzburg. The main guidelines for the Christianisation of the
Avars and the Slavs who had lived in the Avar dominions were influenced by the politico-
religious ideas of the erudite Anglo-Saxon, Alcuin of York, a personal friend of Patriarch
Paulinus and Bishop Arno, which were intended to avoid the errors committed in the violent
38
Christianisation of the Saxons. The aim was to win souls not tithes. A special Slav tithe, which
prevailed in Carinthia well into the Central Middle Ages and was significantly lower than the
true canonical tithe, represents part of the tradition established by these moderate Anglo-
Saxon/Irish missionary methods. Pippin took this opportunity to define the Drava river as the
border between the Salzburg and Aquileian missionary spheres in Pannonia, and this was
confirmed by his father Charlemagne in 803. In 811, Charlemagne also defined the Drava as
the ecclesiastical border in Carantania. This division formed the basis for the ecclesiastical
organisation of Slovene territory for almost one thousand years, until the church reforms in
the middle of the eighteenth century.
In contrast to the Salzburg church, which had energetically set about its new tasks (as
seen from its appointment of Theoderic in 799 as regional bishop to Sclavinia), the Aquileian
church only really committed itself to missionary activity after Paulinus’ death in 802, during
the time of the patriarchs Ursus and Maxentius. It seems also that the Aquileian mission was
much more focused on the nearby Slavic regions than on Pannonia. It was there, in around
800, that Blancidius worked, the only Aquileian missionary known by name (and even here
there is some uncertainty, in contrast to the many missionaries from Salzburg whose names
are recorded). In the mountainous land of the Slavs, whose language he did not know,
Blancidius felt like a “croaking frog in a marsh” and a “chirping nightingale”, and called
himself Noricus to his ‘Roman’ friends. It is possible that the oldest phase of construction of
the church dedicated to Mary on the island in Lake Bled dates back to this time, which would
make it the oldest ecclesiastical building in the Aquileian missionary area. After a brief crisis
brought about by the uprising led by Louis, prince of Lower Pannonia (Ljudevit Posavski) –
which was supported by Fortunatus, the patriarch of Grado and opponent of Aquileia, to
whom the bishops of Istria were suffragan – and by the temporary Bulgar occupation of
Pannonia in 827/28, a substantial part of the Aquileian missionary territory had been
Christianised by the arrival in Pannonia of Constantine and Methodius, in around 960.
However, the ascendancy of the Christian faith within the area would not be complete for a
long time to come, as indicated by continuing mentions of pagans well into the Central
Middle Ages.
The large swathes of newly acquired Frankish territory also required organisation and
administration. The rough framework of this structure had already been suggested by the two
main routes of the Frankish military offensives against the Avars, which set out from Bavaria
and Friuli. This was the manner in which the eastern march of Bavaria and Friuli was formed.
Numerous questions in this field have yet to be answered, but the overall sense of the