fourth century
AD the Aksumite king Ezana, in his long list of titles in a bilingual
inscription (see
Ch. 11: 4
), uses the word `Ethiopia' in the Greek version as the translation
for `Habashat'. The original use of the Greek designation `Ethiopia' was either as a
general designation for the black peoples south of the Egyp tian border (as the Arabs later
used `al-Habasha' or its plural `Ahabish' for groups like the Zanj, Beja, and Nubians as
well as the Abyssinians; Tolmacheva 1986), or more specifically as a reference to the
kingdom of Kush or Kasu, with its capital at Meroë on the Sudanese Nile. But after the
eclipse of this state, the kings of both Aksum and Nubia (Munro-Hay 1982-3) used the
name `Ethiopia' to refer to their own countries and peoples.
Thus the mentions of Kush in
the Bible have been attributed to Aksumite `Ethiopia', instead of Meroitic/Kushite
Ethiopia, by those Christian interpreters determined to bestow a long and prominent
tradition, beginning with Kush, grandson of Noah, on their country.
By the fourth century AD Aksumite pilgrims began to appear in Jerusalem, and St.
Jerome noted their presence (Cerulli 1943: I, 1). A few fourth-century Aksumite coins
have been found there and in Caesarea (Barkay 1981; Meshorer 1965-6). Later the
Ethiopians had a religious house at Jerusalem (Meinardus 1965) which helped to spread
the growing interest in Ethiopia in subsequent centuries, and also played its part in
disseminating the legendary history of Ethiopia in the west.
The Ethiopian traditional king- lists and chronicles are important in that, late as they are in
their
present form, they show how vital the legends concerning Aksum have been to the
Ethiopians throughout their history. They are unquestionably erroneous, since there are
widely differing versions both of the king- lists and the lists of metropolitan bishops of
Aksum starting with Frumentius. They also fail to name those kings and bishops who are
known from inscriptions, coins, and other sources except in a very few cases. Although it
has been suggested that, in the case of the kings, this could be in part due to the Ethiopian
rulers' custom of employing several names (as, for example,
a personal name, a throne
name, a `tribal' name and so on; see
Ch. 7: 5
), the differences in the lists are not to be so
simply explained. Nevertheless, the compilation of the lists, the collection of anecdotes
and chronicles, and the attempts to root Ethiopian tradition in the remote past connected
with eminent persons, places and events, clearly indicates the importance of the country's
past history to mediaeval and even to more modern Ethiopians. Such texts remain a
testimony, whether their contents
be partly legendary or not, to the efforts of Ethiopian
scholars over the centuries to understand and interpret their own history.
2. Aksum in Ancient Sources
Some details about the political and military history of Aksum have been preserved in
ancient documentary sources, some Aksumite and some foreign. A number of Greek and
Roman geographers and scholars noted small snippets of information about contemporary
Aksum, and certain travellers, merchants, ecclesiastics and ambassadors added various
facts about the country in their writings. None of them seems to have acquired any really
substantial knowledge about the kingdom — certainly no-one appears to have left us
more than the briefest accounts — but at least we are afforded
some slight glimpses from
time to time.
The Roman writer Gaius Plinius Secundus — Pliny the Younger — whose notes on
Ethiopia in his
Naturalis Historia were probably completed in their present form in
AD77 (Rackham 1948: 467-9), mentions only Aksum's `window on the world', the Red
Sea port of Adulis, through which the kingdom's international trade passed. Another
document, called the
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, notes the `
city of the people called
Auxumites' (Schoff 1912: 23) or `
the metropolis called the Axomite' (Huntingford 1980:
20), or `
the metropolis itself, which is called Axômitês' (Casson 1989: 53), and gives
details of the trade goods imported and exported.
This anonymous report, which modern
scholars view as either an official report, or a merchants' and sailors' guide to the known
Red Sea and Indian Ocean ports, dating perhaps somewhere between the mid- first and the
early second century AD, also describes the ruler of this region. This monarch, almost
certainly the Aksumite king himself (but see Cerulli 1960: 7, 11; Huntingford 1980: 60,
149-50; Chittick 1981: 186; Casson 1989: 109-10), was called Zoskales; he is represented
as a miserly man,
but of good character, who had some acquaintance with Greek
literature. The famous Greek astronomer and geographer, Claudius Ptolomaeus —
Ptolemy — of Alexandria, describes Aksum in the middle of the second century AD as
the seat of the king's palace (Stevenson 1932: 108); and the existence of a prospering
trading centre at Aksum at about this time is confirmed by the latest archaeological
investigations (Munro-Hay 1989).
The Persian religious leader Mani, founder of the Manichaean religion, who died in 276
or 277AD, is reported by his followers to have described the four most important
kingdoms of the world as comprising Persia, Rome, Aksum and Sileos,
the latter possibly
China (Polotsky 1940: 188-9). This remark shows that Aksum's repute was spreading in
the contemporary world. It was about this time that the Aksumites produced their own
coinage, an excellent way of bringing their country into prominence abroad, since only
the greatest of contemporary states issued a gold coinage.
Around 356AD, the Roman emperor Constantius II wrote a letter to Ezana, king of
Aksum, and his brother Sazana, on an ecclesiastical matter. The letter has been preserved
in the
Apologia ad Constantium Imperatorem of the famous Alexandrian patriarch
Athanasius (Szymusiak 1958). Aksum is also mentioned in the account (Philostorgius;
ed. Migne 1864: 482ff.) of the travels of an Arian bishop, Theophilus `the Indian', who
was sent by Constantius to try to
convert the Arabian kingdoms; he later seems to have
visited Aksum. It has been suggested that possibly it was he who carried the letter from
Constantius to the Aksumite rulers, but Schneider (1984: 156) points out that according
to Philostorgius Theophilus returned from his mission not long after 344AD. The
ecclesiastical historian Rufinus (ed. Migne 1849: 478-9), writing at the end of the fourth
century, gives an account of the conversion of the country, apparently taken directly from
bishop Frumentius of Aksum's erstwhile companion, Aedesius of Tyre.