committed Handel to this new kind of composition, the oratorio, in English,
which could be put on at less expense and for which moreover there was a
potentially large middle-class public that had never felt at home with the aris-
tocratic entertainment of opera in Italian.
(Grout and Palisca 1988: 524)
The role of the studio offers examples of entrepreneurial activity in fine art. First,
Giorgio Vasari’s
Lives
(first published in 1550) is indispensable to art historians
interested in the Italian Renaissance, yet it is recognized that he is not providing
straightforward kinds of evidence. He believed in the superiority of Florence as a
creative centre; the first edition of
Lives
(which is a blend of theoretical discussions
and biographies) ended with Michelangelo as the only living artist accorded such
an honour. The mystique which has since grown up around the so-called ‘Great
Artist’ owes much to Vasari. He promoted the roles of individualism and conflict:
‘Renaissance art seen as a series of dramatic rivalries between passionate egoists is
one aspect of art history’s inheritance from Vasari’ (Sheard and Paoletti 1978: xv).
Yet, it may be more appropriate to view collaborative efforts amongst artists in the
creative process of painting and sculpting in Italian Renaissance art: the most
straightforward has two artists working on the same object or contributing to a
single project; and there is the relationship between teacher and pupil whereby a
top-ranking ‘master’ with a large shop would attract highly competent assistants
(see Sheard and Paoletti 1978).
Second, it is said that Rembrandt
van Rijn was not an artist, but a studio:
Rembrandt’s studio was an unashamedly commercial operation. As well as
apprentices and paying pupils, a steady stream of young qualified painters
passed through and painted under his guidance, sometimes in style closely
resembling the master’s and sometimes with more individuality. It is clear that
Rembrandt signed other painter’s works as his own, and it is this fact, together
with the inevitable similarity in materials and techniques, that makes attribu-
tion of some works associated with him problematic.
(Christopher Brown cited in Turner 2000: 289)
The adoption of his forename as a signature for works of art from 1632 onwards is
in imitation of Italians like Leonardo, Michelangelo, Raphael, and Titian. The so-
called Rembrandt Restoration Project (RRP) was established in 1968 with an aim
of studying – above all from a technical point – and re-cataloguing all paintings by
the artist. It goes without saying that the categories used by the RRP – ‘A’ for
authentic works; ‘B’ for those whose genuineness could be neither accepted nor
rejected; and ‘C’ those certainly not by Rembrandt – are contested by the owners of
Rembrandts.
Third, Peter Paul Rubens combined a diplomatic career alongside painting and
managing his Antwerp studio. Throughout his working life as a painter, Rubens
used assistants such that his studio (which included a picture gallery) is considered
an outstanding example of artistic organization. Indeed, assistants are crucial to the
Cultural entrepreneurship
35
artist’s overall output: ‘rather slick execution of Rubens’s studio assistants without
whom he would have been unable to produce a great number of works and public
commissions that he did’ (Alpers 1995: 5). A work’s essential value, according to
Rubens, starts with its original concept, so that he viewed his preliminary sketch or
cartoon as central to the creative process. Direction of skilled assistants by the
‘master’ was viewed as an operational matter, less important than the original
design concept. Yet Rubens did realize that if more work was done by his own
hand – the imprint of the artist – the finished work was more valued by collectors,
hence a higher selling price: ‘It was Rubens’s usual practice to touch up the
painting by his studio assistants. … But, in a reversal of Rembrandt’s enterprise,
perhaps some of what looks like to be by his studio might be by Rubens himself’
(Alpers 1995: 158–9).
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