Note
This thesis uses a double note system. Endnotes are used for bibliographic
information, while footnotes are used to elucidate meaning, or to expand on
a point raised in the text. Chapter titles are all taken from Tennyson’s The
Idylls o f the King, saving the first, which is taken from T h e Epic’, an 82-
line poem which framed the original ‘Morte d’Arthur’ of 1842.
Introduction
Like Tennyson’s Leodogran, unsure whether to give his daughter, Guinevere, as wife
to the young king, the early Victorian age was sceptical of Arthur. Many writers
doubted whether the stories of a medieval age far removed from their own in taste,
culture and religion could be made relevant to them. And yet they acquiesced: the
‘doubtful throne’ became assured and the Victorian age - in poetry, prose, art, music,
drama and scholarship - became ‘of one mind with him.’1 The single work which
affected this change - which forced this inheritance - was the Idylls o f the King, a
work which spanned the age and turned its bourgeois ideology into epic.* Even where
it was not the primary inspiration for artists’ and poets’ turning to Arthur, it quickly
became the greatest influence upon them. Through the legend, Tennyson raised
England’s ‘crown’d Republic’ to the level of myth; and the medieval Matter of Britain
became Anglicised, domesticated and middle-class. For fifty years writers choosing
to rewrite the legend did little other than repeat, in various forms, this Victorian poem.
Yet after the Great War, an event which shattered so many nineteenth-century
monuments, British culture largely rejected the Idylls as an imitable cultural icon.
* Tennyson published the ‘Morte d’Arthur’ in 1842, though it was written nearly ten years earlier; the
poet made his final changes to the poem in 1891.
2
In its place a multiplicity o f Arthurs sprang up - he was a sun god, a vestige of
some ancient pagan ritual, a historical personage, a British hero of resistance. No
longer an English gentleman o f ‘stateliest port’, Arthur became a champion of
Cornish and Welsh independence.3 If his story symbolised Britain’s multi-ethnic
identity, it could also focalise a mono-racial society. It could be made to represent the
destruction o f spiritual values; it could be rewritten as right-wing propaganda,
socialist aspiration or liberal nostalgia. The legends could be retold in simple ballads,
or through a system o f complex, modernist allusion; it could even be retold as a novel.
The variety o f these Arthurs underlines the fact that there was no dominant retelling in
the twentieth century - that the twentieth-century Arthur was in many ways a
contradictory figure. Certainly no Arthurian writer of the last century achieved
anything like Tennyson’s success and influence - not T. Gwynn Jones or John
Masefield; nor David Jones or even T.H. White, whose Once and Future King (1958)
is perhaps the best-known version o f the last hundred years.
This is a study o f these modem retellings, stretching from Tennyson to White.
It is also about cultural inheritance - the ways in which twentieth-century authors
struggled with their Victorian predecessor, while trying to shape new Arthurs for a
new age. While predominantly a literary history, this thesis incorporates a critical
narrative o f Arthurian scholarship from John Rhys’s Arthurian Studies (1892), which
marked the first major break with the English-French axis which had hitherto
dominated Arthurian criticism, to R.S. Loomis’s Arthurian Literature o f the Middle
Ages (1959), which reintegrated the diverse critical approaches which had developed
in the first half o f the twentieth century. In terms o f Malory studies it ranges from the
various editions of the Morte Darthur produced in the nineteenth century, with their
emphasis on celebrating an English epic, to the publication of Eugene Vinaver’s
3
Works in 1947, which presented a very different Morte Darthur - one that was barely
English and hardly an epic. This study tries to not only to demonstrate creative
literature’s indebtedness to scholars like Rhys, Loomis, Vinaver, Jessie Weston,
Alfred Nutt and W.P. Ker; it also attempts to present them as authors o f the modem
Matter of Britain in their own right. Moreover, their scholarship is understood as a
cultural product formed out o f the same ideological forces which are apparent in
fictional retellings: notably nationalism, chauvinism and misogyny, as well as the
politics o f a declining liberalism, an assertive, reactionary conservatism and a
tentative socialism.
There already exist many studies o f the modem Arthur. In 2006 there even
appeared A History o f Arthurian Scholarship which surveyed much o f the critical
material this present study examines.4 The most common accounts o f modem fictional
retellings o f the legend are found in the historical surveys which chronicle the myth
from its medieval beginnings down to the contemporary, such as those by Richard
Barber (1961, 1986), Stephen Knight (1983), Jennifer R. Goodman (1987) and Alan
Lupack (2006), as well as a host of popular works.5 There are also several articles
dealing with modem Arthuriana which have appeared as part of multi-authored
histories o f the legend, including those by Geoffrey Ashe (1968), Elisabeth Brewer
(1996), Muriel Whitaker (1996), Raymond Thompson (1996), Chris Brooks and Inga
Bryden (1999) and Gossedge and Knight (2008).6
Bibliographies o f modem retellings by Clark S. Northup and John J. Parry
(1944), Stephen R. Reimer (1981), Mary Wildman (1982) and William D. Reynolds
(1983) should also be mentioned.7 Norris J. Lacy’s Arthurian Encyclopedia (1986,
1991, 1996; supplemented in 2001), which remains the most inclusive guide to
Arthurian literature from the Celtic sources to the modem adaptations, is the
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