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With such ideological utility at their disposal, the political elite were unwilling
to extend the propagandist franchise to social groups whose interests might be at
variance with their own. Such a situation had arisen in France in the thirteenth
century. The Vulgate cycle (c. 1215-36) was a huge compendium o f heterogeneous
and contradictory romances roughly organised not upon the political history o f pre-
Conquest Britain but around the story o f the Grail and the grandeur o f individual
warrior aristocrats. Texts such as the Queste del Saint Graal (c. 1225) and the non-
Vulgate Perlesvaus (c. 1210) were not only indifferent to the national and
monarchical implications o f the Arthurian story, they were directly opposed to the
secular world o f chivalry and dynastic politics.56 In these texts the secular-ideological
functions o f earlier Galfridian chronicle and romance were inverted: Arthur became
the leader o f a band o f bloodthirsty, hell-bound villains, and the pursuit of earthly
goals - fame, martial prowess and riches - were transformed into evils which, in the
Queste, only adherence to the teachings of Cistercian monasticism could
legitimatise.57
In England, such a tradition never seriously challenged the statist, secular use
of the legend. As Felicity Riddy has written, only texts ‘sanctioned’ by the Historia
were fit to be translated from the French and consumed in England. Texts which
challenged the Galfridian paradigm flared only ‘momentarily into textual life’ before
dying out.*58 Thus the English romance tradition was mainly comprised o f either
versified episodes drawn from the chronicles themselves, such as Arthur (c. 1400) or
the Alliterative Morte Arthure (c. 1350), or were translations o f French romances
reconciled to the Arthur o f the Galfridian tradition, such as the Stanzaic Morte Arthur
(c. 1400) or the fourteenth-century translation of Chretien’s Perceval (c. 1177) which
* Riddy argues that the whole period o f medieval Arthurian literature is governed by the Historia. My
contention differs in that I believe a major break in the Galfridian authority occurred around 1400, with
Malory’s Morte Darthur establishing a new authority over subsequent cultural production.
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removed all traces o f the Grail, that most ideologically troublesome element o f the
Arthurian story, being the least reconcilable to secular politics.59
Over time the Arthurian story expanded in terms o f narrative and cultural
utility, though these extensions rarely compromised the ideological interests o f the
primary audience, the state and monarch. Yet as the paradigmatic version became
more entrenched in English culture it became less able to respond to social and
political changes, such as the political calamities of the fifteenth century or the
Reformation o f the following century. At these points Arthurian literary production
went into crisis.
There was a demonstrable decline in the authority of the Historia in the
fifteenth century. With England suffering a series of political cataclysms the feudal
elite became too occupied waging insular, destructive wars to patronise a myth about
imperial expansion and strong, central government. Arthurian literature became more
diverse, more antagonistic to the older Galfridian tradition. Indeed, after 1400 not one
substantial Arthurian literary work was produced that can be said to fit within the
established Galfridian paradigm. French Grail texts began to be translated for
mercantile readerships - as did romances relating to Merlin.60 Literature satirising
Arthur and his aristocratic followers became popular. He appears as an unjust
aggressor in Syre Gawene and the Carle o f Carlyle (c. 1400) and The Turke and
Gowin (c. 1450), an irresponsible monarch in King Arthur and King Cornwall (c.
1450) and The Avowing o f King Arthur (c. 1425) and as a foolish cuckold in Sir
Corneus and The Boy in the Mantle (c. 1450).61 He and his knights are continually
defeated on their quests by lowly carls, imperious hosts and old haggard women.*
* Several of these ‘crisis-period’ Arthurian texts are ‘King and Subject’ stories, a major genre in the late
medieval period. In Syre Gawene and the Carle o f Carlyle, for instance, after the low-born carl has
admonished a ‘hard lesson in true courtesy’ to his social superiors, Kay and Baldwin, the poem ends in
an Arthurian feast, the most common means of symbolising the validation o f the dominant order. Yet
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This crisis was resolved, however, by Malory’s Le Morte Darthur which restored the
Arthur to its traditional elitist and statist form and which also absorbed the other
ideological conflicts o f three hundred years of Arthurian literary production into a
new paradigm.
The crisis o f the Malorian paradigm can be said to have begun, quite precisely,
in 1534, with the passing o f the Act of Supremacy. Although the self-conscious
Arthurianising o f the early Tudor dynasty seemed to have equalled that o f the
Plantagenets, Malory’s paradigm did not achieve the longevity o f Geoffrey’s. The
historical (and historically incredible) Arthur was enlisted in the cause to establish
spiritual and temporal independence from Rome. Yet after this divorce from the
Catholic Church, the figure o f Arthur was of ever-diminishing importance. Humanist
and Puritan scholars, including Vives in 1528 and Roger Ascham in 1570 attacked the
legends o f Arthur as immoral and harmful.
Arthur could not survive for long in such a climate. The ascension of James VI
of Scotland to the English throne in 1603 brought a flurry o f Arthurian masques and
pageants designed by Ben Jonson, Thomas Campion, William Camden and others
designed to propagandise the new king. Malory continued to be published until 1634
and works like Robert Chester’s poem sequence Loves Martyr (1601, reworked as The
Annals o f Great Britaine in 1611) continued to keep the stories o f Arthur in
circulation, as did a large number o f cheap popular broadsides. Yet Arthur was
steadily moving away from the interests of high culture. The great poets of the
seventeenth century - Milton, Jonson and Dryden - abandoned any thoughts they had
here it is the carl who initiates the celebrations and invites Arthur to attend his feast: demonstrating
through the splendour of his hospitality that this carl (who appears to be a landowner o f considerable
worth) is very much the equal o f Arthur’s knights, if not o f Arthur himself. Similar conclusions brought
about by the non-aristocratic intruder into the Arthurian court occur in A Carle o ff Carlile - a later
version of the Syre Gawene and the Carle o f Carlyle narrative - The Weddynge o f Sir Gawen and
Dame Ragnell and King Arthur and King Cornwall.
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