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century literary culture, it is worth considering the how the Arthurian story was able
to gain a sympathetic readership in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Modern Arthurian literature before Tennyson
For several centuries after the Reformation, Arthur’s literary environment had been
confined to political propaganda, chapbooks, broadsides and burlesque theatre. His
court and list o f knights had diminished into obscurity, their names seldom
remembered. Even Arthur’s queen had been forgotten: in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries she was as likely to be called Emmeline or Dollololla as
Guinevere.5 Thomas Warton’s Observations on ‘The Faerie Queene ’ o f Spenser
(1758) and his monumental History o f English Poetry (1774-81) marked the
beginning o f the Arthurian story’s revival as a high cultural commodity. His great
knowledge o f medieval romance, gathered from an exhaustive study of the
manuscripts in the Bodleian, the recently-founded British Museum, as well as the
collections o f personal friends, ushered in a new era of appreciation for the literature
and culture o f the Middle Ages and his position as one of the key founders o f British
medievalism ought to be better recognised.6 His chief aim in the Observations and his
History was to rescue medieval literature from contemporary ‘prejudice and
ignorance’ and to elevate it to the position of ‘true poetry’:
For however monstrous and unnatural these compositions may appear to this
age of reason and refinement, they merit more attention than the world is
willing to bestow. [... Because of] their terrible graces of magic and
enchantment [they] rouse and invigorate all the powers o f imagination: to start
the fancy with those sublime and alarming images, which true poetry best
delights to display.7
Warton believed that medieval literature - and Arthurian literature in particular -
would rejuvenate contemporary literary production. A poet himself, whose output
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included Arthurian verses,8 Warton was convinced that present ‘English literature and
English poetry suffer, while so many pieces of this kind still remain concealed and
forgotten in our MS libraries.’9
Yet when the medieval manuscripts were recovered from their obscure resting
places, what emerged was not an immediate rejuvenation o f English literature, but a
site of national anxieties. Stephanie Barczewski has argued that the Arthurian legend
moved from an inclusive myth o f British identity in the early part o f the nineteenth
century to a more exclusive Anglocentric conception in the second half o f the
century.10 Yet the Arthur o f the Romantic age shows very little sense o f British
cohesiveness between English, Cornish, Scottish and Welsh writers.11 Rather, a
number o f conflicting ‘traditions’ regarding the Matter of Britain were formulated at
this time, with writers from each constituent part of the United Kingdom attempting to
lay claim to a cultural pre-eminence with regard to medieval Arthurian literature,
though other literary debates were concerned with questions o f morality, religion and
class.
Scholars and creative writers from Scotland (James Pinkerton, David Lang,
Walter Scott and Anne Bannerman),12 Cornwall (William Hal, George Woodley,
Thomas Hogg and R.S. Hawker)13 and Wales (William Owen Pughe, Iolo Morganwg,
Owen Jones)14 excavated and reworked native Arthurian traditions for their own
nationalist purposes. English scholars also republished medieval Arthurian literature:
Thomas Percy (1765), Joseph Ritson (1783 and 1802), George Ellis (1805) and John
Dunlop (1814) all published Arthurian ballads, romances and resumes.15 By 1850
nearly every English Arthurian text had been published,16 the most important being
17
the three editions o f Malory’s Morte Darthur produced between 1816 and 1817.
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The first republication of the Morte since 1634 has often been heralded by
critics as the pivotal factor in the Arthurian resurgence.18 Yet an immediate effect is
hard to discern. Indeed, at the time English Arthurian scholarship was heavily
influenced by Celtic and Continental textual studies. Le Grand d’Aussy’s Fabliaux
(1779-1781), which contained several Arthurian pieces, was translated twice and
published in five editions by 1800, and a further edition was made in 1815.19
Likewise, Dunlop’s History o f Fiction (1814) gave narrative synopses o f several
French romances,20 while Robert Southey’s introduction to the 1817 edition of the
Morte Darthur (an important influence on Tennyson’s Idylls) summarised many
more.21 Southey scarcely mentioned any English Arthurian work and he made it clear
that he considered the Morte to be little more than a series o f translations o f French
romances, a selection which Scott believed had been ‘extracted at hazard, and without
much art or combination’.22 Southey also had doubts as to the worth of the Arthurian
legend for contemporary writers, declaring that ‘no poem of lasting popularity has
been produced upon a Round Table story.’
Similarly, English scholars and poets, who had seldom demonstrated an
interest in Welsh literature, began to learn Cymraeg - including Sharon Turner,
George Ellis, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Robert Southey.24 Although Joseph Ritson
characterised Welsh scholars as possessing ‘more vanity’ and ‘less judgment’ than
any other ‘people in the world’,25 others, such as Turner, wrote spirited defences of
the antiquity o f medieval Welsh poetry.26 But perhaps the most important of the Celtic
Revivalists’ English protegees was Charlotte Guest, who between 1838 and 1849
published a three-volume translation of The Mabinogion, which as well as being an
important work in itself also stimulated the work of numerous academics, authors and
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