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chestnut-buds began / To spread into the perfect fan’.43 Only the ambiguous final lines
hint at the tragedy that approaches:
A man had given all other bliss,
And all his worldly worth for this,
To waste his whole heart in one kiss
Upon her perfect lips.44
The poem is free o f the censure Tennyson would later heap upon the lovers in the
Idylls. It is a fragment o f a much larger poem devised by Tennyson, which was never
published and was perhaps never completed to the poet’s satisfaction. This larger
work has not survived, save in a prose synopsis made by J.M. Kemble.* What did
survive, however, with its heady imagery and sympathetic account of the lovers’
affair, became an important inspiration for the Pre-Raphaelites.45
Perhaps the most influential of the 1842 poems was ‘Sir Galahad’, an eighty-
four line monologue, delivered by the ‘maiden-knight’, in which he ruminates on how
‘faith and prayer’ and his ‘virgin heart’ provides him with greater strength than that
given to other, less chaste men:
My good blade carves the casques o f men,
My tough lance thrusteth sure,
My strength is as the strength of ten,
Because my heart is pure.46
* ‘[I]n the Spring, Queen Guinevere and Sir Lancelot ride through the forest green, fayre and amorous:
And such a queen! such a knight! Merlin with spindle shanks, vast brows and beard and a forehead like
a mundane egg, over a face wrinkled with ten thousand crow-feet meets them, and tells Sir L. that he’s
doing well for his fame to be riding out with a light o’ love &c. Whereupon the knight, nowise
backward in retort, tells him it is a shame that such an old scandal to antiquity should be talking, since
his own propensities are no secret, and since he very well knows what will become o f him in the valley
of Avilion some day. Merlin, who tropically is Worldly Prudence, is o f course miserably floored. So
are the representatives o f Worldly Force, who in the shape of three knights, sheathed, Sir, in trap from
toe to toe, run at Sir L. and are most unceremoniously shot from their saddles like stones from a sling.
But the Garde Joyeuse is now in sight; the knight I confess is singing but a loose song, when his own
son Sir Galahad (the type o f Chastity) passes by; he knows his father but does no speak to him, blushes
and rides on his way! Voila tout. Much o f this is written and stupendous’ (quoted in Ricks’s headnote
to ‘Sir Launcelot and Queen Guinevere’, 97).
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Like the Galahad o f ‘The Holy Grail’ (1869), his quest is a purely individualistic one
and he fails to embody an ideal of social commitment, which Tennyson would later
hold as the ideal o f the Round Table, flawed though that institution would appear. In
the opening lines, the three-time repetition of ‘My’ emphasises the knight’s
detachment from the world around him - already there is something o f the egoist in
Tennyson’s presentation o f Galahad. His knight errantry, though he champions
maidens ‘To save them from shame and thrall’, is subsumed within Galahad’s greater
quest for spiritual glory. Whether in spite or because of this egotism, ‘Sir Galahad’
became a hugely influential poem. It inspired numerous romantic treatments by visual
artists, including Dante Gabriel Rossetti, Elizabeth Siddall, Edward Bume Jones,
George Frederick Watts, Arthur Hughes and Joseph Noel Patton (see figs 3-9).
Tennyson’s poem also inaugurated the Victorian cult of Galahad initially patronised
by Muscular Christians,* as a means of encouraging schoolboys to lead chaste,
wholesome and socially-conscious lives, but which later fell subject to increasingly
jingoist discourses on the importance of serving England and Empire with an almost
spiritual dedication (as discussed in the following chapter).
The Idylls o f the King as bourgeois epic
The success o f Tennyson’s 1842 Arthurian poems did little to assure the poet of the
form his eventual epic should take, and he continued to plot a series of unrealised
large-scale works, including a five-act ‘masque’, which was abandoned in the late
* I his recent history of the topic, Donald Hall stated thtat the ‘muscular Christian’ movement is
associated with ‘physical strength, religious certainty, and the ability to shape and control the world
around oneself... [For] muscular Christians, the male body appears as a metaphor for social, national,
and religious bodies, while at the same time it attempts to enforce a particular construction o f those
bodies’ (Muscular Christianity, 1995, 7-8). The robust moralism of such writers as Thomas Hughes,
Charles Kinglsey, George MacDonald and Charlotte M. Yonge typify the tradition which lasted until
the First World War.
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1840s.47 By 1856, however, he began to develop the Idylls o f the King, the work that
would take the rest o f his life - and the core of the Victorian era - to complete.
First to be published were ‘Nimue’ and ‘Enid’, in a trail edition of 1857, and
‘Guinevere’ and ‘Elaine’, in 1859. Although renamed in later editions, the early titles
of these poems drew more attention to the women o f the legend than had been evident
in all the centuries o f Arthurian literary production. They also consolidated the
domesticated vision o f the legend which the Victorian age would produce. In 1869
four other idylls were published: ‘The Holy Grail’, ‘Pelleas and Ettare’ and ‘The
Coming of Arthur’, with the 1842 ‘Morte d’Arthur’ re-emerging as ‘The Passing of
Arthur’. ‘The Last Tournament’ and ‘Gareth and Lynette’ were added in 1872; the
earlier ‘Enid’ was divided into two poems, ‘The Marriage of Geraint’ and ‘Geraint
and Enid’, and the last poem, ‘Balin and Balan’, was added in 1886 to make up the
Latin epic twelve.48 The Victorian era had its national epic and Arthurian literature
had a new paradigm.
As with Geoffrey’s Historia and Malory’s Morte Darthur, at the centre of
Tennyson’s work was a process of synthesis and editing - a means o f making the
Arthurian myth not only pertinent to Tennyson’s age and class, but also the dominant
cultural myth o f his times. One o f the main dilemmas facing Tennyson was the
nineteenth century’s anxieties over the immorality of the medieval Arthurian story,
fears which go back as far as the sixteenth-century Puritanism o f Roger Ascham, who
had written o f Malory’s Morte Darthur.
The pleasure o f which booke standeth in two special poyntes, in open mans
slaughter, and bold bawdrye: in which booke, those be counted the noblest
knights that do kill most men without any quarrell, and commit fowlest
aduoulteres by subtlest shifites [...] What toyes, the dayly reading o f such a
book may worke in the will of a yong jentleman, or a yong mayde, that liveth
welthelie and idleie, wise men can judge, and honest men do pitie 49
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