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86) which formed the climax to half a century o f dimishment in England’s place in
European affairs. After the French repudiations o f the Treaty o f Valois (1420)
England’s continental ambitions sharply diminished and the country spent much of
the century in destructive civil wars.
Malory’s Morte did not so much replace Geoffrey’s Historia as apply a
nostalgic lens through which ‘England’s’ former greatness could be viewed. Malory
did this through combining elements of Geoffrey’s narrative* with the French
romances, which had largely been absent in Galfridian literary production.44
Throughout, Malory extensively abbreviated his French sources, greatly reduced their
magical features and controlled religious allegory and doctrinal expression. In contrast
he expanded upon accounts o f martial conflict, increased the sense o f heroism
surrounding his chief characters and placed much emphasis on the virtuous qualities
of secular chivalry. These alterations reduced the conflicts which had existed between
the French and English traditions.45 The effect was to expand and humanise
Geoffrey’s historiography. It imbued a new sense of spectacle into the old story; its
more recognisable, ‘human’ characters were more appealing to writers and more
imitable for courtly princes, as several Tudor-age figures would demonstrate. But,
most importantly, it Anglicised a body of great foreign literature - once more
establishing Arthur as the English elite’s own.
The success o f any paradigm lay, fundamentally, in its popularity. The
Historia survives in over two hundred and ten manuscripts (with many more being
lost over time) while Malory’s Morte was printed six times between 1485 and 1634
and would have existed in an unknown quantity of non-extant manuscripts also.46
Ninety years after Malory completed his Arthuriad - and at the height o f the
* Geoffrey’s narrative was known to Malory through John Hardyng’s Chronicle (c. 1465), a minor
source throughout the Morte, and the chronicle-derived Alliterative Morte Arthure (c. 1350).
destruction o f the libraries o f the great monastic houses - John Bale, antiquarian and
bibliophile, was able to state that ‘[i]n our times, Malory enjoys an illustrious
reputation’.47 Such popularity gave rise to numerous derivative works which increased
the authority o f the paradigm, which led to an unwillingness among other writers to
deviate from the paradigmatic narrative and ideological base. The Morte Darthur was
the basis for several subsequent works: Sir Lancelot du Lake, The Legend o f King
Arthur,
King Arthur's Death and the parodic
The Weddynge o f Sir Gawen and Dame
Ragnell (all late fifteenth century).48 And Malorian echoes are also apparent in
Sydney’s Arcadia (composed 1580), Hughes’s The Misfortunes o f Arthur (1588), and
Spenser’s Faerie Queene (1590-6).49 The paradigmatic effect of Geoffrey’s Historia
was more pronounced, with the Galfridian story of Arthur being reproduced in
numerous medieval histories, including Wace’s Le Roman de Brut (c. 1155),
Layamon’s Brut (c. 1200), the chronicles of Robert o f Gloucester (c. 1270), Thomas
Bek of Castleford (1327) and Robert Mannying of Brunne (1338), as well as the
anonymous Short Metrical Chronicle (shortly after 1307).50 These and the later prose
Brut (evolved from about 1370 onwards) kept the Galfridian Arthur o f history in
circulation until the Tudor period, with Caxton publishing the Brut in 1480.
But the Galfridian and Malorian paradigms’ cultural authority was not the
result of organic literary development; Geoffrey’s and Malory’s success was not
merely the outcome o f having written entertaining stories. Their authority relied on
their intimate relation to national politics. The Arthurian story was patronised,
employed and monopolised by the secular elite of medieval and early-modern
England. It was used for propagandist effect by numerous English monarchs from
Henry II to Henry VIII, with generations of kings attempting to establish themselves
as the heirs to the Arthurian imperium. The ‘historical fact’ o f Arthur’s empire played
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a major part in legitimatising England’s colonial ambitions with regard to Wales and
Scotland - as well as being used by Henry VIII in 1537 to establish independence
from Rome.51 Sub-paradigmatic literary production maintained the close associations
with the English crown. Geoffrey’s Historia was dedicated to the various
powerbrokers o f the day; *52 Wace’s Brut, written under royal patronage, reproduced
Geoffrey’s story but extended its ideological utility as propaganda for Henry II.53
Later, as kings o f England lost their Anglo-Norman identity, subsequent historians
rewrote the Historia as an Anglicised epic - again preserving the associations
between the contemporary monarch and the figure o f Arthur. Pierre de Langtoft’s
fourteenth-century chronicle, for instance, after rehearsing the traditional Galfridian
story of Arthur, later makes numerous comparisons between Arthur and Edward I,
claiming that even ‘Arthur had never [held] the fiefs so fully’ as Edward held
Cornwall, Wales and Ireland.54 In the Malorian period, Henry Tudor employed his
slender genealogical descent from the Welsh princes to present himself as the direct
descendent o f Arthur, thus legitimatising his claim to the Welsh-English throne, as
well as demonstrating the power of the English monarchy through many Arthurian
spectacles, pageants and tournaments.55 Above all, the later sub-paradigmatic writers
made the Arthurian story more representative o f the ideals, tensions and beliefs o f the
evolving social groups they ideologised.
* The most common o f the Historia's dedicatees was Robert, Earl of Gloucester. An illegitimate son of
Henry I, Robert was a court favourite and became a leading magnate o f the Anglo-Norman realm with
territories in both England and Normandy. He was a powerful figure in the Time o f Anarchy, first
supporting Stephen, but later capturing and deposing him in 1141, in favour o f Matilda. Following his
father, Robert developed a scholarly reputation. He certainly became an extraordinary patron,
sponsoring Henry o f Malmesbury’s De Regum Gestis Anglorum (1125) as well as Geoffrey’s Historia.
He also continued the building o f Tewkesbury Abbey. Nigel Higham has written that ‘Arthur’s
background had similarities with the family circumstances of the similarly royal but illegitimate
Robert, [...] eldest surviving son o f Henry I’ (.Myth-Making and History, 225). This raises the
possibility that Arthur’s illegitimacy, absent in all earlier extant literature, may even have been
modelled on Geoffrey’s greatest patron.