13
appears as a hell-bent villain, a tyrant and a would-be rapist - hardly reconcilable to
the earlier Christian warlord. Culhwch ac Olwen (c. 1050) presents Arthur as a
heroically irresponsible king who alienates his chief vassal, Kay, who subsequently
abandons Arthur’s court and will not be reconciled with him even ‘when the latter
was wanting in strength or when his men were being killed’. The calamitous effects
of such poor kingship can be witnessed in Pa gur yv y porthaur? (‘What Man is the
Gatekeeper?’), in which Arthur, having lost his kingdom, recalls the exploits of his
former warriors - especially Kay, who has seemingly turned against Arthur.34 No
single Arthur emerges from the early Brythonic literature, much less one that can be
described as providing simple historical escapism. Rather, the Arthur o f early Welsh
was an ideological device used for numerous purposes: dynastic propaganda,
Christian politics and elucidation of poor leadership.
Geoffrey o f Monmouth’s greatest achievement - and certainly his greatest
contribution to the Arthurian legend - was his ability to synthesise a diverse and
conflicting corpus o f Brythonic literature into a coherent stable text. The Historia was
remarkably popular in Wales; translations of his Latin history, known as the Brut y
Brenhinedd, are found in roughly sixty manuscripts - far more than any other Welsh
Arthurian text.35 Subsequent literary production was more susceptible to French
influence than its English counterpart would be. The three romances, Geraint, Owein
and Peredur (c. 1250) are all heavily marked by French literary styles, though their
narratives are probably Welsh in origin.36 The Grail also makes its appearance in
Welsh literature before English, with translations of the Queste del Saint Graal and
the Perlesvaus appearing in the fourteenth century. But after these romances were
produced and the earlier tradition was recorded, Welsh literary interest in Arthur
appears to have been increasingly marginal.38 While the collapse o f Welsh political
14
independence in the late thirteenth century encouraged the scribes o f Wales to
preserve what existing literature there was, it did not encourage contemporary writers
to produce narratives o f an earlier period o f Celtic superiority. Although there appears
to have been a folk-belief in the return o f Arthur to lead the Welsh against the
English, in their heroic tales the poets and bards o f Wales were soon able to turn to
^ Q
Owain Glyndwr as a realistic figure of national redemption and resistance.
♦
*
*
*
*
Elis Gruffydd noted in his late Chronicle (c. 1550) that the Welsh were not as
interested in Arthur as were the contemporary English.40 As with most of Europe,
Arthurian literature in England began with Geoffrey o f Monmouth’s Historia and
following this archetype the Arthur of the English was overwhelmingly political.
Unlike on the continent, the English Arthur was chiefly a figure o f historiography,
rather than romance, and as a ‘historical fact’ was eminently adaptable to ideological
manipulation. The excessive political usage of the myth by elites of medieval and
early-modern England gave rise to the peculiar shape of English Arthurian literary
production. In order to facilitate the close relationship between medieval state
ideology and the Arthurian legend, the development of the Matter of Britain in
England was a far more structured and regulated affair than it was in the rest of
Europe. With such extensive ideological utility the narrative could scarcely be left in
the hands o f individual romancers and their patrons, as had occurred in France, whose
uses of the Arthurian story might not always be in accord with monarchical and
national interests. Essentially paradigmatic, the cultivation of the legend in England
has traditionally been an authoritarian enterprise with major texts operating as
archetypes that govern subsequent literary production in terms o f its main narrative,
themes and ideological utility.
15
There were two such stages before the nineteenth century. The first was the
Galfridian (from the middle o f the twelfth century to the beginning o f the fifteenth);
the second, the Malorian (from the late fifteenth century to the late sixteenth).
Geoffrey’s Historia ignited Europe’s fascination with the Brythonic hero; but for the
Anglo-Normans his work was o f particular ideological importance. The Historia was
the work of a foreign arriviste from the borderlands of the Welsh-English Marches. It
synthesised a diverse corpus o f Celtic myth and historiography and refashioned it
within the structure o f contemporary French and Classical literary styles.41 It was a
new literary edifice - a monument to the Anglo-Normans’ place in European culture.
It furnished Geoffrey’s patrons with a historical identity similar to that provided by
the Charlemagne chansons to the French Capetian dynasty.42 It equipped the
conquerors o f England with a predecessor of heroic proportions, a pan-British king
who would be utilised in numerous later attempts to extend English sovereignty over
Wales and Scotland. But, more immediately, Geoffrey’s Historia also represented the
Anglo-Normans’ subjects, the Saxons, as relatively recent invaders o f Brythonic
Britain - a position that allowed the foreign elite to consolidate their own position in
England through disavowing the right of Saxon suzerainty.43
Malory’s Morte Darthur was received in a very different climate. While both
the Historia and the Morte were written during periods o f civil war, the reign of
Henry II (1154-89) heralded a period o f social, economic and, above all, cultural
growth and stability in comparison to the T h e Anarchy’ (1135-54) o f dynastic
conflict and unsettled government. Thus, while the Historia was written in a civil war
context, it continued to be read - and adapted by subsequent historians - in a long
period of political and intellectual ascendancy. In comparison, the Morte Darthur was
written in a period of even more destructive civil strife, the War o f the Roses (1455-
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