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incongruous. Yet such images and related literature proliferated on both sides of the
trenches, though with widely differing results.
In Germany the image of the iron warrior was an expression o f iron
endurance, typifying ‘the archetypal man of steel who was mentally and physically
invulnerable’.28 Much of the German medievalist propaganda centred on the early
sixteenth-century knight, Gotz von Berlichingen, made famous by Goethe’s drama of
1773.* Gotz’s iron fist was an often-used symbol of German military ambition, which
would crush all resistance in its grip. It also symbolised the unconquerability and
indefatigability of the German people: Gotz’s iron, prosthetic fist symbolising a
fusion of iron and man. It was used, like the many images of iron-clad warriors (see
fig. 11 for an example), to integrate the contemporary German soldier with the
industrial, mechanised nature of modem warfare - synthesising the man with the
materiel of war. The German use of medieval knightly imagery was far more relevant
to the experience of modem, attritional combat than was its British chivalric
counterpart.
British reaction to German images of mailed fists was associated with the
barbarism of the ‘Hun’. Lloyd George, in his ‘An Appeal to the Nation’ speech of
September 1914, and asked his audience:
Have you read the Kaiser’s speeches? [...] They are full of the glitter and
bluster of German militarism - ‘mailed fist’ and ‘shining armour’. Poor old
* Getz von Berlichingen (c. 1480-1562), after entering the service of Frederick I, Margrave of
Brandenburg-Ansbach, and the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I, formed his private Srmy around
1500. He lost his right hand at the siege of Landshut in 1508, but a prosthetic replacement enabled him
to continue his mercenary wars for another twenty years. His iron hand is still on display at the Schloss
Jagsthausen in Wtirttemberg. Goethe’s boisterous historical drama, Gotz von Berlichingen mit der
eisernen Hand (‘with the iron fist’; 1773), popularised Getz’s story and was partly based upon the
knight’s memoirs. Suitably for a figure much cited as an example of German resistance, Getz’s most
famous expression was his reply to the Bishop of Bamburg’s demand for his surrender: ‘Er kann mich
im Arsche lecken!’ (He can kiss my arse). During the Second World War the SS’s 17th Panzergrenadier
Division was given the title ‘Getz von Berlichingen’. Their divisional symbol was an iron fist in a
shield.
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mailed fist. Its knuckles are getting a little bruised. Poor shining armour! The
shine is being knocked out of it.29
British evocations o f ‘shining armour’, by comparison, were less ‘barbaric’ and
English chivalry was decidedly less militaristic than its German counterpart. The
wartime use o f chivalry comprised of a set of images and rhetorical devices, the
purpose of which was to disguise the brutal realities of trench warfare. Images of
crusading knights or St George slaying the dragon were commonly used in
recruitment posters.30 Soldiers, or ‘latter-day knights’, performed ‘deeds’ or ‘feats of
arms’, which were described using a series of chivalric adjectives: ‘valiant’, ‘gallant’,
‘courageous’ and ‘noble’. Even the first day of the battle of the Somme, in which
twenty thousand British soldiers were killed with a further forty thousand wounded,
was reported in The Times in terms of a medieval ‘tumult’.31 The common
propagandist images of saintly knights in white armour, whether St George or Sir
Galahad, did little - and were not intended - to relate the horrors of the Front to those
back in Britain. Whereas the German image of the dehumanised iron warriors was an
attempt to reconcile the soldier to the industrialised carnage of the trenches, the
language and iconography of chivalry was a propagandist strategy o f obscuration and
denial.
Galahad was one of the most commonly evoked figures of chivalry during the
war. Epigraphs from Tennyson’s 1842 poem commonly appeared in notices of those
killed in action.32 The collected letters of one’s dead son could be collected under the
title, A Galahad o f the Trenches (1919), and legions of dead soldiers, ‘Knights of
God’ and Galahads all, could ‘find the Grail ev’n in the fire of hell’ o f modem
warfare. Unlike the larger Arthurian story, which was fundamentally tragic and
therefore was unsuited for wartime propaganda, Galahad’s achievement of the Grail
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was wholly victorious. He was also not as domesticated as the central Arthurian
characters had become in the work of J. Comyns Carr and his successors, who had
reduced the Matter o f Britain into little more than a tale of the denouement of an
unfortunate love-triangle.
Christian propaganda was particularly interested in the figure of the maiden
knight in the war years, as several scholars have demonstrated.34 Chivalry - already a
hybrid of Christian values and secular moral pragmatism - was an easier doctrine to
espouse from the pulpit than the pacifist ideology which a serious reading of Christian
scripture implies, and churches were eager to re-establish themselves in the minds and
souls of the public after increased secularisation in the second half o f the nineteenth
century. In the Anglican Quiver of May 1916, Charles Brown wrote of the ‘modem
call to knighthood - to play our part with Christ in winning the world, righting its
wrongs, healing its woes, destroying the works of the devil’ and so on. In the same
issue, J.D. Jones published an article on ‘Sir Galahad’, which restated the Victorian
equation between a moral, pure life and physical strength in arms: by remaining
chaste and receiving Holy Communion, English soldiers would be able to defeat the
devilish Germans.
Trench warfare altered Galahad surprisingly little. In 1911 Arthur
Winnington-Ingram, the Bishop of London (1901-1939) and medieval enthusiast,
urged his flock to imitate Galahad in donning ‘shining armour’ and to look up to
Heaven to ask for spiritual direction. Four years later, in the midst o f war, in a
pamphlet entitled Cleansing London, the Bishop attacked the pimps who swarmed
around the troops on leave, designating them ‘villains more mischievous that German
spies, who ought to share their fate, [as they] lie in wait to stain the chivalry of our
TO
boys’. But Galahad, the incongruous Victorian, was not only utilised in religious
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