Snorri Sturluson as a historian of religions: The credibility of the descriptions of pre-Christian cultic leadership and rituals in Hákonar saga góða Abstract
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- Bu səhifədəki naviqasiya:
- The witness from archaeology
Snorri Sturluson as a historian of religions
Istaby (DaRun 359), have a proper noun HaþuwulfR. On Stentoften and Istaby there are also two persons called HariwulfR and HeruwulfR. The Björketorp stone (DaRun 360) can be associated with this group, although it lacks the name HaþuwulfR. It has almost exactly the same curse as Stentoften. As the name HaþuwulfR appears on three stones in this area scholars believe that he was a local leader in Blekinge at some time around AD 600.⁴⁸ The interpretation of the Stentoften inscription has been debated throughout the 20 th
interpretation. She read and interpreted lines 1–3 thus: niuhAborumR niuhagestumR hAþuwolAfRgAfj ‘With nine bucks, with nine stallions HaþuwulfR gave good growth.’ ⁵⁰
that way he gave the people a good crop. Perhaps he also arranged a great sacrificial feast at his hall building or at an outdoor-sanctuary, with plenty of meat for all people. Santeson’s interpretation has many advantages compared to previous attempts, and many great runologists such as Henrik Williams, Klaus Düwel and Michael Schulte accept it.⁵¹ Her interpretation can be supported on several grounds. For instance, the number nine corresponds with the sacrifices at Uppsala and Lejre men- tioned by Adam and Thietmar.⁵² As in Uppsala, Lejre and Hlaðir the runic inscrip- tion indicates that horses were sacrificed also in Blekinge.⁵³ It should also be noticed that the Proto-Nordic word jāra in this inscription probably is equivalent to Old Norse ár appearing in Snorri’s text in connection to the sacrifices, meaning ‘good crops’.⁵⁴ 48 E.g. Runeninschriften (Krause 1966), pp. 203–214; Düwel 2008, pp. 21 f. 49 Sundqvist 1997. 50 Santeson 1989 and 1993. 51 Williams 1990, p. 36; Düwel 1992, pp. 348–353; Düwel 2008, pp. 21 f.; Schulte 2006. See also Stoklund 1994, pp. 166–168; Sundqvist 1997; Antonsen 2002. Some scholars have also been sceptical to Santeson, especially regarding the interpretation of the sequence gestumR (see e.g. Reichert 2003). The runologist Michael Schulte (2006) has, however, defended Santeson’s interpretations against these recent objections.
qvist 1997, pp. 164–168. 53 Adam writes thus: Corpora autem suspenduntur in lucum, qui proximus est templo. Is enim lucus tam sacer est gentilibus, ut singulae arbores eius ex morte vel tabo immolatorum divinae credantur. Ibi etiam canes et equi pendent cum hominibus, quorum corpora mixtim suspense narravit mihi aliquis christianorum LXXII vidisse (Gesta Hammaburgensis (Schmeidler 1917), 4, p. 27). Thietmar mentions that horses were sacrificed in Lejre: Est unus in his partibus locus, caput istius regni Lederun nomine, in pago, qui Selon dicitur, ubi post VIIII annos mense Ianuario, post hoc tempus, quo nos theophaniam Domini celebramus, omnes convenerunt, et ibi diis suimet LXXXX et VIIII homines et totidem equos, cum canibus et gallis pro accipitribus oblatis, immolant […]’ (Chronicon (Trillmich 1957), 1, p. 17), 54 See Hultgård 1993, 2003 and 2007. Brought to you by | Stockholms Universitet Authenticated | 10.248.254.158 Download Date | 9/18/14 2:50 PM 84
Olof Sundqvist Stentoften thus supports the idea that a ruler was performing sacrifice, or at least that he commissioned it. This runic inscription indicates that persons belonging to the top ruling elite were involved in the public cults and perhaps performed ceremonial acts. The changes in sacrificial custom that have been pointed out by archaeologists may reflect changes in social organisation,⁵⁵ from tribal chieftains to ‘petty kinglets’ and finally more per- manent ruling families. The family of HaþuwulfR seems to be a dynasty, according to the name customs.⁵⁶ The new ruling elite used religious ceremonies when manifest- ing their power and sovereignty. They probably institutionalized public cults and tied them to themselves and their residences. The witness from archaeology Snorri’s description of cultic leadership in Trøndelag may thus very well be based on old traditions. The notion that the pagan political leader was involved in cultic feasts, and there also took part in some specific rituals, may even reflect Late Iron Age condi- tions. By means of these rituals he could perhaps also mediate blessings to the people, such as ‘good crops’. Most likely these feasts sometimes took place in cultic build- ings as Snorri claimed. These ideas can today be attested by archaeology. Underneath the church of Mæri(n), in Inn-Trøndelag, traits of an assumed cultic building from the Viking Age were discovered.⁵⁷ Nineteen (or twenty-three⁵⁸) gold foil figures were found in relation to some post-holes, which were considered to be the place of the high-seat. These figures were probably regarded as sacred objects and undoubtedly indicative of rituals performed in the context of the political power of Mæri(n). They were probably produced during the Vendel period, but it has been argued that they still were in use during the Early Viking Age.⁵⁹ At this site also other finds were made which may be associated to pre-Christian ceremonial feastings, such as pieces of pottery and glass, quantities of animal bones and some characteristic cooking stones. Whether the sanctuary at Mæri(n) was situated on a chieftain farm is somewhat debated.⁶⁰ Viking Age Mæri(n) lacks namely the social and economic criteria typical for the central farms of Trøndelag and it stands out mostly as an exclusive religious site. Most likely the local leaders who cared for the cultic building in Mæri(n) were situated at a farm in the absolute vicinity, perhaps at Egge. This site has a burial
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