Engels, supported by the factual material
collected by the democrat, Zimmermann, wrote
this splendid account of the German Peasant War. First, he gives a picture of the economic
situation and of the class composition of Germany of that time. Then he shows how out of
this soil spring the various opposition groups with their programmes, and gives a colourful
characterisation of Luther and Muenzer. The third chapter contains a brief history of the
peasant uprisings in the German Empire from 1476 to 1517, that is, to the beginning of the
Reformation. In the fourth chapter we have the history of the uprising of the nobility under
the leadership of Franz von Sickingen and Ulrich von Hutten. The fifth and sixth chapters
contain a narrative of the events of the Peasant War as such, with
a detailed explanation of
the main causes of the peasants’ defeat. In the seventh and last chapters the significance of
the Peasant War and its consequences in German history are explained.
Permeating the whole of Engels’ work is the idea of the necessity of a merciless
struggle against the feudal masters, the landlords. Only a radical abolition of all traces of
feudal domination, he said, could create the most favourable conditions for the success of a
proletarian revolution. In this respect Engels was in full harmony with Marx, who wrote to
him later (August 16, 1856), “Everything in Germany will depend upon whether it will be
possible to support the proletarian revolution by something like a second edition of the
Peasant War. Only then will everything proceed well.”
Quite different was
the conception of Lassalle, who overestimated the significance of
the uprising of the nobility, idealized Franz von Sickingen and Ulrich von Hutten, and
treated the revolutionary movement of the lower plebeian strata too contemptuously. In his
opinion, the Peasant War, notwithstanding its revolutionary appearance, was in reality a
reactionary movement. “You all know,” he said to the Berlin workers, “that the peasants
killed the nobles and burned their castles, or, according
to the prevailing habit, made them
run the gauntlet. However, notwithstanding this revolutionary appearance, the movement
was, in substance and principle,
reactionary.”
The Russian revolutionary populists, especially the adherents of Bakunin, often
identified Lassalle’s view of the peasants with the views of Marx and Engels. In this they
followed Bakunin’s lead, who wrote the following:
“Everybody knows that Lassalle repeatedly expressed the idea that the defeat of the
peasant uprising in the Fourteenth Century and the strengthening and rapid growth of the
bureaucratic state in Germany that followed it were a veritable triumph for the revolution.”
According to Bakunin, the German communists viewed all
peasants as elements of
reaction. “The fact is,” he added, “that the Marxists cannot think otherwise; worshippers of
state power at any price, they are bound to curse every people’s revolution, especially a
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peasant revolution, which is anarchic by its very nature, and which proceeds directly to
annihilate the state.”
When
Bakunin wrote these lines, there was already in existence the second edition of
Engels’ work on the Peasant War, with a new preface (1870), in which the inconsistency of
Liebknecht and other contemporary German social-democrats on the agrarian question was
criticised. In 1875, the third edition appeared, with an addendum which emphasised still
more the sharp difference between the views of Marx and Engels on the one hand, and
Lassalle on the other.
It must be noted that in the last years of his life, Engels devoted much labour to the
study of the Peasant War, and was about to recast his old work.
In 1882 be wrote
a special addition to his Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, devoted to
the history of the German peasantry. On December 31, 1884, he wrote to Sorge: “I am
subjecting my
Peasant War to radical reconstruction. It is going to become a cornerstone of
German history. It is a great piece of work. All the preliminary work is almost ready.”
The work of preparing the second and third volumes of
Capital for publication,
prevented him from carrying out his plan. In July, 1893, he wrote to Mehring, “If I succeed
in reconstructing anew the historic introduction to my
Peasant War, which I hope will be
possible during this winter, I will give there an exposition of my views” [concerning the
conditions of the breaking up of Germany and the causes of
the defeat of the German
bourgeois revolution of the Sixteenth Century].
When Kautsky was writing his book on the forerunners of modern socialism – it
appeared in parts – Engels wrote to him on May 21, 1895: “Of your book, I can tell you
that the further it proceeds, the better it becomes. Compared with the original plan, Plato
and early Christianity are not sufficiently worked out. The mediaeval sects are much better,
and the later ones, more so. Best of all are the Taborites, Muenzer, and the Anabaptists. I
have learned much from your book. For my recasting of the
Peasant War, it is an
indispensable preliminary work.
“In my judgment, there are only two considerable faults:
“(1) A very insufficient insight into the development
and the role of
those elements entirely outside of the feudal hierarchy, which are
déclassé, occupying almost the place of pariahs; elements that form the
lowest stratum of the population of every medieval city, without rights
and outside the rural community, the feudal dependence, the guild bonds.
This is difficult, but it is the
chief foundation, since gradually, with the
decomposition of feudal relations, out of this stratum develops the
predecessor of the proletariat which, in 1789, in the faubourgs of Paris,
made the revolution. You speak of the proletarians, but this expression is
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