8
I I A S N E W S L E T T E R # 4 7 S p r i n g 0 0 8
N E W S A N D V I E W S F R O M T H E W O R L D O F A S I A N S T U D I E S
N E T W O R K A S I A
History and the present in Asia
NETWORK ASIA
Kerry Brown
In the space of seven decades, the Asian
region has gone from being torn apart by
conflict, both ideological and military, to
enjoying a period of untrammelled devel-
opment, prosperity and growth. In the
era of the cold war, it saw the US keep its
sights on Communist China, with no open
diplomatic contact, from its military bases
in Japan, and South Korea. In the 1960s
and 1970s, even after the US’s rapproche-
ment with China, the war in Vietnam saw
overspill into Cambodia, and Indo-China,
leading to tens of thousands of deaths.
Indonesia’s bloody suppression of Com-
munist insurgency in the mid 1960s and
its annexation of East Timor in 1975 were
the more dramatic symptoms of a region
judged by one writer in the late 1960s to be
on a knife edge. The skirmishes between
the USSR and China in 1969 were the most
potentially disturbing of these, bringing
two nuclear powers face to face.
In 2008, China and India are charging
ahead, contributing more to global GDP
growth this year than the US or Europe.
China remains a one party state, but its
politicians and business people talk the
language of commerce with remarkable
conviction – enough to persuade foreign
investors to make China, year in and year
out, the largest receiver of Foreign Direct
Investment globally. Consumer markets
in China and India offer the real growth
potential. Even Vietnam and Laos are
embracing capitalism, inspired by what
they see as China’s ‘Beijing consensus’
state led development model. There is an
Asian way, they seem to be saying, and
Japan, China, and a host of other Asian
countries are showing it.
The stability and security of Asia is a good
thing. No wars were more terrible than
those fought in this region in the 1930s
and 1940s. That these countries now co-
exist peacefully is an extraordinary politi-
cal achievement, ranking alongside that of
the creation, and growth, of the European
Union, with all the prosperity that has
delivered. China and India are lifting more
people out of poverty than any other gov-
ernments in history. This is China’s chief
defence in justifying its lack of political
reform. ASEAN plus three has been one
attempt to create a political cohesiveness
around these very diverse countries, and
supplement and help this stability.
There are two things that might worry us,
even while celebrating the achievements in
Asia, in the months and years ahead, how-
ever. The first in fact is that history might
have been forgotten, but it has not been
buried. The hawkishness of the Chinese
population, more than their pragmatic
politicians, is, as Susan Shirk points out
in her interesting account of Chinese-Japa-
nese relations in `China: Fragile Super-
power’ a good case in point. Under Mao,
from 1949 to his death in 1976, Japan was
regarded oddly benignly. There were no
anti-Japanese riots, nor, after diplomatic
relations were resumed in the early 1970s,
constant imprecations from one side for
apologies over historical injustices. In the
last ten years, though, Japan’s perceived
lack of contrition has become a big issue
in China, in the blogoshere, in chat rooms,
and in the press. The hint of China becom-
ing a member of the UN Permanent 5 in
2005 was enough to bring students out
in the streets in Beijing. There are similar
historical `issues’ left over in the Korean
peninsula, which has been called the last
front of the Cold War. And Japan’s desire to
assert itself a little more away from Ameri-
can oversight is the continuation of a long
process of emerging from the impact of
the Second World War. Throughout Asia,
history is perhaps silent, but not absent.
The start, after years of negotiations, of
the trial of the Khmer Rouge leadership
still alive in Cambodia under the auspices
of the UN is a reminder of just how recent,
and unhealed, some of this terrible history
is.
This connects to the second issue. Scratch-
ing the surface of history in Asia soon
leads back to some uncomfortable ques-
tions. The unresolved problem of Taiwan is
only the most striking of these. As a coun-
try like China starts to flex its muscles,
and shows it has genuine economic and
political clout, this creates real concerns,
in the region, and in the rest of the world,
about how it, in particular, might revisit
some of these historic questions. In the
past, its leadership could at best berate
the outside world for being ‘capitalist’
oppressors, belonging to the other side,
enemies who would never come round.
Now China is so plugged into the global
economy, it can actually back up some of
its words with hard action. Are we really so
confident as we were a decade ago during
the last cross straights crisis, that China
won’t actually do something if Taiwan
does move towards declarations of out
and out independence? And is the nation-
alist strand in Japan so wedded to its paci-
fist constitution now that it doesn’t look at
the militarisation of China as a major issue
that it will need to start doing something
about, and build broader political support
for this? North Korea may have started to
co-operate again – but as the era of Kim
Jong Il draws to a close, and issues of suc-
cession raise their heads, will it accept that
radical economic reform is the solution to
the separation of the Koreas – or a final, all
or nothing devastating attack?
Essentially, the question that remains
unanswered is this: with so much prosper-
ity, and with a clear dividend from years of
peace, is it realistic to think that the issues
above can just be tolerated, left on a shelf
out of the way, to a day, in the future, when
in a sense they wither away, and become
resolvable? If China’s development, in
particular, is sustainable (and there are
big questions about this), will that be the
end of its aspirations? Or will it seek to
show it matters more by actively sorting
out Taiwan. China may say it has a long
history – but a strong, outward looking,
internationalising China is a new thing,
and something the outside world has lit-
tle knowledge to go on in interacting with.
One way or the other, my guess is that
in the years head, in this region, history
will throw up some surprising issues we
thought were long forgotten, and there will
be some major dislocations. That’s when
we really know that the Asian century isn’t
just an aspiration. It has arrived, and we’re
all living in it.
Dr Kerry Brown
Associate Fellow, Asia Programme
Chatham House, UK
Bkerrychina@aol.com
Announcement Wertheim Lecture 2008
Asia from Down Under:
Regionalism and Global Cultural Change
By: Prof. Dr. Ien Ang (University of Western Sydney)
5 June 2008, in the Auditorium of the University of Amsterdam, 15:00 – 18:00
Globalisation has seen nation-states increasingly align themselves into regional blocs, perhaps the most prominent
of which is the European Union. The formation of such transnational regions is based on geographical proximity and
shared economic and political interests, but the very idea of a region, such as ‘Europe’, is underpinned by strongly held
notions of cultural affinity. It is often cultural arguments and discourses - pertaining to identity, civilisation, religion,
even race - that determine regional inclusion and exclusion.
What does this mean for a country such as Australia and its place within (or outside of) the Asian region? As a Western
nation-state in an overwhelmingly non-Western region, Australia holds a prime position for observing processes of
global cultural change in a time when Asia - home of the two new economic powerhouses of China and India and of the
world’s largest Muslim nation, Indonesia - is set to become the centre of the global force field. Australia’s complex and
ambivalent relationship with Asia provides valuable insight, particularly for Western Europe, into the cultural manifes-
tations of the gradual decentring of the West.
Ien Ang is Distinguished Professor of Cultural Studies and Australian Research Council Professorial Fellow at the Centre
for Cultural Research, University of Western Sydney. She holds a doctorate from the University of Amsterdam, where
she studied and worked from 1973 until 1990. She is the author of a number of books including Watching Dallas (1985),
Desperately Seeking the Audience (1991), Living Room Wars (1996) and
On Not Speaking Chinese (2001).
The Wertheim lecture is jointly organised by Asian Studies in Amsterdam
(ASiA), the Amsterdam School for Social Science Research (ASSR) and the
International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS).
New resource: VerreTaal - Chinese
Literature in Dutch Translation
We are pleased to announce the launch of VerreTaal, an online database
of Chinese Literature in Dutch Translation:
VerreTaal is a collaboration between the Department of Chinese Studies and the
Sinological Library at Leiden University and the Research Centre for Translation
at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Using English as the interface language,
VerreTaal aims to provide a research tool for translation studies, (comparative)
literary studies, (inter)cultural studies and area studies, Chinese studies and other
academic fields -- and for the general reader and library user.
The database lists Dutch-language, direct and relay translations of works originally
written in Chinese. At present it includes book titles in poetry, fiction and non-fic-
tion, and drama. Entries in multiple-author anthologies contain individual author
names, story / essay titles and corresponding page numbers where available. In the
near future, we hope to expand the database to include journal publications.
VerreTaal can be browsed by authors, translators, titles and subjects, or searched
using traditional and simplified Chinese and Hanyu Pinyin. It has been tested on
various platforms and browsers and is accessible free of charge at http://www.
unileiden.net/verretaal/.
Audrey Heijns, Research Centre for Translation, Chinese University of Hong Kong
Hanno Lecher, Librarian, Sinological Library, Leiden University
Maghiel van Crevel, Professor of Chinese language & literature, Leiden University
C O M M E N T