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I I A S N E W S L E T T E R # 4 7 S p r i n g 0 0 8
Heidbuchel, Esther.
The West Papua Conflict in Indonesia. Actors, Issues and Approaches. 2007.
Wettenberg: Johannes Herrmann J and J - Verlag. 223 pages. 0ISBN 978 3 937983 10 3.
A complex conflict
Nicholas Tarling
T
his book rightly describes the West Papua Conflict as complex. Held
outside Indonesia when the Dutch accepted its independence in
1949, the territory was subsequently incorporated – after a long Indone-
sian ‘confrontation’ of the Dutch – as a result above all of the intervention
of the United States and the involvement of the UN. The Bunker agree-
ment brokered by the US prescribed an Act of Free Choice. Indonesia
carried that out in ways of the inadequacy of which the UN did not com-
plain, and which indeed the Indonesians were to use as a precedent for
incorporating East Timor, though that by contrast was not met by UN
complaisance.
Partly as a result of the inadequacy of the process, incorporation led to new
conflicts. Though members of the small Papuan elite were a little more
involved in the Bunker process than the author suggests, the Act of Free
Choice was, as John Saltford has shown, something of a scandal. Papuans
could only resent the policies the Indonesians pursued, displacing even
the cooperative element in the elite, exploiting Papua’s mineral resources,
in particular through the deal with Freeport that Denise Leith has explored,
introducing large numbers of migrants from other parts of the archipel-
ago, who came both under government transmigration schemes and of
their own volition. Such activities provided a fertile ground for resistance,
often described as OPM, Organisasi Papua Merdeka, though it was not
unified. In turn the Indonesian army, TNI, secured a reason and an excuse
for action, and as elsewhere it acted in a way that maximised abuse and
increased opposition, so enhancing its argument that it continued to be
needed: it gets a per diem for a special deployment, whereas it would be
better rewarded for creating situations that did not need one.
The dislodging of the Soeharto regime changed the situation, but only in
part, making the conflict yet more complex. Though their implementation
was sure to be no easy matter, decentralisation and democratisation held
out the prospect of improvement. But the independence of East Timor
added to the Indonesian fear of breakup and distrust of foreign inter-
vention. The reforms in Papua were as a result all the more half-hearted
and confused, and the TNI’s repressive activities all the more difficult to
restrain.
My own study of Britain’s policy towards West New Guinea in the period
before the Bunker agreement showed how small the Papuan elite was
and also how divided (while one British official referred to the Javanese
as ‘born imperialists’). Divisions among Papuans remain a feature of the
complexity of the situation, encouraging divide-and-rule tactics and mak-
ing any overall negotiation more difficult.
Repetitive analysis but sensible conclusions
It is on the prospects of a negotiated settlement that the present book
focuses. It proceeds by an extensive and at times repetitive process of
analysis which may try the patience of the reader. But, well informed by
interviews and by research in libraries, on the net and among unpublished
theses, it reaches sensible conclusions, which reward the reader and,
more important, may provide materials for the negotiation that seems the
best chance for an unhappy land in which a relatively few outsiders have
an informed but passionate interest.
Independence seems an unlikely prospect, and even if achieved, might
only create a non-viable state, rent with internal dispute. The best pros-
pect, the author suggests, is special autonomy, and properly carried out,
it might meet the expectations popularly attached to the magic word inde-
pendence. But it has, of course, been on the tapis so long and so ineffectu-
ally that the Papuans have lost any trust in the Indonesian government’s
promises. It is essential to restore or create that trust. The Indonesians
have, after all, good reason to do so. If it can be done, its implications will
carry across the rest of the archipelago and improve the Republic’s rela-
tions with the outside world, though none of that can really be achieved
without putting the role of the TNI on the constitutional and fiscal basis it
should occupy in a modern state.
It is also, the author rightly suggests, necessary to seek means by which
the Papuans can negotiate and accept such a solution. She sees the great-
est hope in the concept of Papua Land of Peace. Papuans might find
their unity in that rather than in the concept of Papua Land of Suffering.
The focus should be on the future, putting off, without abandoning, the
redemption of past abuses.
The book, a thesis at Giessen, is published in Germany but in English.
We must be grateful that the results of German scholarship thus become
more widely available. The English is far from idiomatic, however, and
at times its idiosyncrasies obscure the meaning. An English copy-editor
would have made an important message clearer.
Nicholas Tarling
New Zealand Asia Institute
The University of Auckland
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