193
it is difficult to discuss
berserkir in terms that
do not imply a berserk
fit or frenzy; there is no
translation of the Old Norse (ON) compound
noun
berserksgangr that does not presuppose
illness or loss of control, despite the fact that
its etymology is related to neither, but rather to
movement.
This
perception
is
further
reinforced by modern, popular culture
depictions of
berserkir. As the final chapter of
the thesis discusses, the modern perception of
the concept is that of a one-dimensional killing
machine with no regard for his own safety or
survival. With this in mind, my analysis
focuses
on
what
medieval
audiences
understood ON
berserkr to mean, how that
meaning may be related to the probable
Viking-Age reality, and considers how modern
depictions might have shaped and guided
researchers’ thought processes.
Berserksgangr
The defining
feature of berserkir in
Old Norse
literature is
berserksgangr. This, more than
anything, is how the modern audience
recognises and engages with them, and this
feature has been researched more than any
other, as noted earlier. Two pairs of attributes
define it: shield-biting and howling, and
invulnerability to iron and fire. While other
attributes,
such as frothing at the mouth, occur
so rarely that they are almost certainly the
result of authorial inventiveness, these
attributes are present in most narratives about
berserkir.
Most
berserkir that bite their shields also
howl. These actions occur before the start of
combat, and there is often a gap between
berserksgangr and the fight starting. In
Egils
saga, for example, this gap is punctuated by a
poetic contest which Ljótr loses (
Egils saga:
202–204). The pause between
berserksgangr
and
the
main
action
indicates
that
berserksgangr was not a berserk frenzy,
because a truly berserk warrior is unlikely to
have held back. Thus, like a Māori
haka, it was
pre-battle posturing or ritual. Similar to
Germanic warriors of Tacitus’ day,
berserkir
appear to have used their shields as sounding
boards to appear more frightening (
Germania:
134–135), planting the teeth on the rim as
shown on the Lewis gaming pieces (Robinson
2004: 28-29) and howling. In a pre-Christian
context it is tempting to see a parallel here with
Óðinn’s spell in
Hávamál 156 where he chants
under the shield to carry warriors safely into
and home from battle (
Hávamál: 72). Thus, the
Lewis gaming pieces provide a clue how the
medieval audience may have envisaged
berserkir, while the descriptions feed into
interpretations of a probable Viking-Age
reality.
Invulnerability of
berserkir to fire and iron
is sufficiently consistent within Old Norse
literature that it may have been an element of
historical reality too. Danielli (1945) suggested
that resistance to fire was part of a fossilised
memory of a ritual, although this motif was
subverted in later texts to prove Christianity’s
superiority to Norse paganism, as in the
conversion episodes in
Njáls saga (1954: 267)
and
Vatnsdœla
saga
(1939:
124).
Invulnerability to iron may have been either
perceived through ritual, or a function of
wearing animal-skin armour. A wolf- or
bearskin could have proven effective against
edged weapons, as
Óláfs saga implies when
Þórir hundr could only be wounded on those
parts of him not covered by the enchanted
reindeer-skin
(
Óláfs
saga:
383–384).
However, being flexible, it would have
provided little protection against blunt-force
trauma, hence the descriptions of
berserkir
being beaten to death with clubs.
Thus, while hidden elements of ritual were
certainly present in reality but not depicted in
Old
Norse
literature,
depictions
of
berserksgangr provide valuable clues about
the probable Viking-Age reality, and close
reading shows that it is unlikely that medieval
audiences would have interpreted howling and
shield-biting as symptoms of loss of control.
Instead, where it is said that a
berserkr rages,
it appears to be more a hyperbolic statement of
rage as aggression and ferocity in battle than a
description of going berserk. This idea is
supported by the idea that going berserk would
not be a positive attribute in a shieldwall that
relies on holding the line as a team
(Hedenstierna-Jonson 2009: 49–50).
194
Social Position and Roles
Breen (1999) and Liberman (2004) maintain
that analysis of
berserkir must begin and end
with Old Norse literature, because ON
berserkr is only known from the literature.
This would limit analysis to the texts, even
though Viking-Age usage of ON
berserkr is
demonstrated in
Haraldskvæði (102 & 113).
However, the evidence supports much wider
analysis, because
berserkir are linked to
ulfheðnar through texts like
Vatnsdœla saga
(24), where the reference suggests that
ulfheðnar were a sub-group of
berserkir. From
this, and the clear etymology of
ulfheðinn
meaning ‘wolfskin’, a connection can be traced
to the iconographic evidence of the Vendel-era
helmet plates with depictions of wolfskin-clad
warriors in association with an entity with a
horned helmet that has been identified as
Óðinn (Hauck 2011: 3–4). From there, the
connection may be made to Migration period
bracteates where similar iconography exists.
Thus, it is possible to construct an image of the
social position of
ulfheðnar and thus
berserkir,
and, by extension, to comment on the roles and
functions of
berserkir in the Viking Age.
The iconography and imagery associated
with
ulfheðnar lies wholly within the
aristocratic, martial domain, featuring on
helmet plates from wealthy graves and on gold
bracteates. This places
ulfheðnar, and by
extension
berserkir, among the social elite
situating them as retainers and bodyguards, if
not lords themselves, and firmly places them at
the top of society, not on its margins. It also
places them in a domain that falls within
Óðinn’s purview. Thus, they would have been
associated with the god without having to be
his priests or shamans. The interpretation of
berserkir as social elite
is further reinforced in
the
fornaldarsögur, as in
Hrólfs saga kraka
which includes
berserkir as some of Hrólf’s
closest retainers. The social position of
berserkir in the
Íslendingasögur is less clear,
but they do engage with the upper echelons of
society directly, and thus may be considered to
be part of it, except in the rare cases where they
are outlaws. Certainly, Halli and Leiknir in
Eyrbyggja saga were retainers of Hákon jarl
Sigurðarson (
Eyrbyggja saga: 60–61) and thus
originally members of the elite. Furthermore,
the use of ON
berserkr in
Ívens saga to
translate Old French
chanpion (
Ívens saga:
80–81) indicates that the medieval audience
would have recognised in
berserkir figures
whose role was that of a champion. In this role,
they would have fought as bodyguards and
fought judicial duels, much as the
blámenn or
giants in
Ívens saga (80–81) feared Íven’s lion
might do.
The connection between
berserkir and
duelling is reinforced by the berserk suitor
motif (Blaney 1982) where the
berserkr
challenges a man for all his possessions and a
female relative. These duels appear to have had
legal force, such legality being commented on
in Old Norse literature, and the episodes have
been interpreted as an initiation ritual (Danielli
1945) where the young man is tested before
joining a warband. Weiser (1927: 80–82) and
Höfler (1934: 340–341) saw in these episodes
a form of initiation into warbands as
Männerbünde or all-male secret societies. This
over-interprets the evidence and ascribes to it a
cultic nature that is not evident in the texts. It
is more likely that they represent a form of
coming-of-age ritual where the young man
earns a sword as a badge of his adult status, and
it might be linked to the requirement in the
Nyere Landslov of Magnús lagabœtir that a
man be
hólmfœrr in a case where he seeks to
inherit (
NGL 1885: II, 90). Thus, while
berserkir do provide a foil for the hero to test
his mettle against on the literary level, the
medieval audience may have recognised a test
of manhood in episodes featuring troublesome
hólmgǫngumenn.
Conclusions
The final analysis shows that there are three
main models of
berserkir, and that much
research into
berserkir does not clearly
differentiate which of these models is its
subject. The Viking-Age
berserkr is a member
of the social elite, a champion and a
bodyguard, probably with a ritual component
to his warband membership. The medieval
literary
berserkr incorporates the attributes of
the Viking-Age
berserkr, but can also be
socially disruptive. The modern
berserkr is a
one-dimensional killing machine who actually
goes berserk in the sense of today’s idiomatic