Plate 23.
A variety of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century occupations.
Along with the quickening of economic production went changes in the
political framework of economic life. Of major importance was the development
of a German Customs Union dominated by Prussia, and excluding Habsburg
Austria. This started with Prussia’s tariff law of 1818 which abolished
differences between town and country, and transformed all of Prussia into one
economic unit, with no internal tariffs. Attention was then given to the
difficulties involved in transporting materials and products between the western
and eastern provinces of Prussia, which were separated by other German states
in between, as well as to the problem of non-Prussian enclaves. In the following
years, other states were included in the Prussian system, while in 1828 Bavaria
and Württemberg formed a customs union and other states, including Saxony,
Hanover and Brunswick, came together in the mid-German Commercial Union,
which adopted the rather negative arrangement of not charging duties on goods
which were simply passing through their territories. On 1 January 1834 the
German Customs Union (
Deutscher Zollverein
), comprising eighteen states with
a population of 23 million, was formed. Austria preferred to remain outside this
organisation, choosing her own form of customs union with Habsburg territories
which lay outside the Confederation. Thus while Metternich’s conservative
Austria remained the predominant political force within the Confederation,
increasingly Prussia gained economic predominance, and the Prussian
Thaler
became the common unit of currency within the Customs Union. Moves towards
economic unification presaged the form which political unification was
eventually to take.
Meanwhile, further socioeconomic changes were occurring which were to
feed into more immediate political upheavals. In Europe as a whole, a population
expansion had been taking place since the mid-eighteenth century. European
population approximately doubled between the mid-eighteenth and the mid-
nineteenth century. In Germany, much of the population growth was rural; and
the food supply of a still pre-industrial economy proved insufficient to support a
growing population on the land. Food riots, rural unemployment, migration to
the growing towns, even emigration across the Atlantic to that land of
opportunity and moving frontiers, America, were common. The growth of
pauperism, and the widespread existence of acute poverty alongside the self-
satisfied bourgeois society of Biedermeier Germany, gave rise to considerable
social concern, expressed for example in the charitable activities of the Christian
churches. The poor also at times attempted to take matters into their own hands.
In 1844, for example, the Silesian weavers, who were adversely affected by the
competition of the more advanced British textile industry as well as by the
introduction of new production methods at home, rose in revolt. In 1846–7 a
potato blight meant malnutrition and potential starvation for many, including
thousands of deaths from poverty-related diseases. Social unrest coincided with
the continuing unease felt by intellectuals with the repressive political conditions
of Metternich’s increasingly outdated conservative system. Yet the spark that
finally ignited revolutionary upheavals in 1848 came not from within, but again
from another revolution in France.
Map 7.
Development of the Prussian–German Customs Union
THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848
1848 was a year of revolution across Europe. Sparked off by the news of the
February Revolution in France, which toppled King Louis Philippe, there were
insurrections across the German territories as a variety of groups seized the
opportunity to exert pressures on frightened rulers. Involved in the German
revolutions were a number of different strands: popular social unrest, often
rather defensive and reactionary in nature, demanding the restoration of old
forms of regulation; liberal political demands for constitutional rule, as well as
for certain economic freedoms; and nationalist demands for the unification of
Germany. Insofar as there was any working-class protest, it was largely limited
to demands for immediate improvements in wages and working conditions: 1848
was no proletarian revolution in the Marxist sense. Because those working for
unification were ultimately unsuccessful – there was no unification in 1848–9
under liberal auspices, and the unification that occurred in 1871 was of a rather
different, distinctly less liberal, flavour – 1848 has often been written off as, in
A. J. P. Taylor’s phrase, a ‘turning-point where Germany failed to turn’. Yet this
is too simplistic and one-sided a view: much did emerge from the turmoils of
1848–9, and Germany was a rather different place in the 1850s from what it had
been before 1848. Rather than castigating German history for what it was not –
premised on some supposedly more ‘normal’ model of doing things – it is more
helpful to attempt to clarify what did actually happen, with what causes and
consequences.
As indicated above, the mid and later 1840s had seen considerable social
unrest. But it was the longer-term effects of economic crisis (such as mounting
indebtedness, as well as a business crisis) that were more important than
immediate economic misery as pre-conditions for revolution. After the famine
and distress of 1846–7, the economy actually improved in 1848. Moreover, it
was not popular distress which formed the major basis of liberal concerns. As
the events of 1848–9 proceeded, the gulf between peasant and artisan concerns
on the one hand, and those of the liberals on the other, became more and more
clear. Liberal goals had been slowly and variously articulated over a
considerable period of time before 1848. In Prussia, liberal hopes were briefly
raised with the accession of King Frederick William IV to the throne in 1840,
and with moves towards a united Prussian Diet, which did indeed meet in April
1847. However, there was deadlock over the issue of constitutional reforms
before granting of money, and the Diet was dismissed. In the event, Frederick
William IV proved to be no liberal monarch, but rather an unbalanced,
inconsistent ruler, something of an actor, who was later certified insane. Liberals
in other German states were also discussing and organising for reform. There
were differences between the more radical liberals, such as Hecker and Struve
with their Offenburg programme, and the more moderate liberals supporting the
Heppenheim programme. But these liberal pressures alone, and even in
conjunction with the social distress of the 1840s, were not sufficient to cause a
revolution. It was the news of the fall of the French king which stimulated
popular uprisings all over Germany. In the face of widespread peasants’
insurrections, artisans’ riots and liberal pressures, rulers all over Germany
rapidly made concessions in a panic attempt to ward off the feared threat of
worse disturbances. The liberals then took advantage of the volatile situation to
try to effect changes at the national level, through the subsequent electing of a
national parliament to discuss constitutional reform and German unification.
The weaknesses of revolutionary forces in Germany were hence evident
from the start: it took a spark from outside to ignite the revolution; there was a
range of forces with different aims exerting pressure on the regimes; and the
indigenous authorities capitulated almost without defence. Having withdrawn
from the fray, rather than being defeated, conservative forces were able to
observe the disarray and flailings of the revolutionary groups, and later to return
to take control of the situation with their armed forces intact, and even
strengthened by concessions to peasant demands.
In Austria, with widespread peasant insurrections and workers’ revolts in
various parts of the Habsburg domains, Metternich resigned on 13 March and
fled to that haven for exiled reactionaries as well as revolutionaries, Great
Britain. On 15 March the Austrian emperor promised a constitution and called
an assembly. In the south and west German states, many rulers replaced
conservatives in the administration with liberals, and made promises of reform.
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