rulers
recorded in the later sources; two sons of Kaleb according to the Ge`ez texts, a
grandson Saifu succeeding in c577 after the Chinese text, anothe r ruler and his usurping
brother according to Ibn Ishaq, and finally Ashama, who died in 630, according to the
Muslim chroniclers.
The situation at the ancient capital at this period was not what it had been in former
times. Overuse of the land around a city which had supported a substantial population for
some six hundred years was doubtless beginning to result in food-supply deficiencies,
and in addition the Nile- levels recorded in Egypt indicate that the rainfall was not so
constant as before (
Ch. 3: 1-2
). The clearance of the wooded hills around the city,
whether for
charcoal or planting of crops, allowed the rains to carry off the topsoil,
exacerbating the agricultural problems (Butzer 1981). The very grave dimunition of the
Red Sea trade, and the loss of revenue from that source may have combined with internal
troubles, such as a resurgence of independence among the northern Beja tribes, or even
dynastic difficulties, to hasten the abandonment of Aksum as the capital of the kingdom.
Whatever the case (for the situation under Ashama ibn Abjar and the wars of the
hatseni
Danael see
Ch. 15: 4-5
) it seems that possibly before the middle of the seventh century
AD, Aksum, though it continued to exist in a reduced way until the present as an
ecclesiastical centre, and even
ritual centre for the kingship, had ceased to be viable as
Ethiopia's capital city.
A famous Ethiopian of this last period of Aksum was one of the early converts to Islam,
Bilal ibn Rabah. He was a freed slave of Ethiopian origin born in Mecca who became the
first
muadhdhin — muezzin — or chanter of the call to prayer. He also bore the prophet's
spear, which was a gift of the
najashi Ashama to the prophet's cousin al-Zubayr, and was
used from 624AD to point the direction of prayer. Bilal died about 640AD (
Dictionary of
Ethiopian Biography 1975: I, 41).
8. The Post-Aksumite Period
The period from the seventh to the twelfth century, though recognised here as post-
Aksumite in the sense that Aksum was no longer the political
centre of the kingdom, has
generally been included by previous writers on Ethiopian history as Aksumite;
accordingly, a brief sketch of the few known events occurring during this time may be
useful. Aksum's name seems to have no longer been applied to the Ethiopian people, but
`Habash' remained, as usual, the Arab name for them, and the country was called
`Habashat' (Irvine 1965; but see Beeston 1987). The period concerned includes the
greater part of the seventh century, and terminates with the advent of the Zagwé dynasty
in about 1137 (another
long-disputed date, see Munro-Hay,
The Metropolitan Episcopate
of Ethiopia and the Patriarchate of Alexandria 4th-14th centuries, forthcoming).
1. Realignment.
The reign of Ashama ibn Abjar, and the inscriptions of the
hatsani Danael, are discussed
in
Ch. 15: 4-5
, and are suggested to represent the end of the Aksumite period in Ethiopia.
An entirely different picture of the kingdom now emerges. The coinage, and with it the
use of Greek and the trade connections into the Red Sea and the Roman Christian world
gave way to a different economic and political orientation. Such commodities as cloth
(al-Muqaddasi, in Vantini 1975: 176) and probably the ever-needed
salt were used in
barter, but now trade was, it seems, limited only to neighbouring countries in Africa and
Arabia. The kingdom, though almost always regarded by Arab writers during this period
as a powerful and extensive state, eventually lost the use of the coast, and other areas
formerly under a tribute relationship to the Ethiopian state became completely
independent.
As Connah (1987: 71-2, 95) has pointed out, the new condition
of relative isolation had
both advantages and disadvantages, the greatest benefit being that Ethiopia could safely
withdraw itself into the mountains and take up a strong defensive stance. This was, of
course, offset by the loss of its international position, but, as we have said, the decline of
the Red Sea trade was the result of great events in the outside world which Ethiopia could
only accept by its own realignment. The country's political connexions were nearly all
with Muslim states from this time onwards, though a few brief mentions are made of the
Christian Nubian kingdoms (see below). Al-Mas`udi
speaks of a treaty between
Abyssinia and Ibrahim, ruler of Zabid in the Yemen, by which the latter's ships
continually moved between the two countries with merchants and merchandise (de
Meynard and de Courteille 1864: 34), and relations apparently remained intact with the
Yemeni rulers after the country's conquest by a neighbouring queen (see below).
Ethiopia's metropolitan bishops still came from the patriarchate of Alexandria, but were
now obtained by application to the Muslim governor of Egypt (Munro-Hay,
The
Metropolitan Episcopate of Ethiopia and the Patriarchate of Alexandria, 4th-14th
centuries, forthcoming). Muslim states arose in the Dahlak islands and on the coasts, and
in later times became a grave danger to the Christian state.
But the Ethiopian kingdom itself did not remain static; as it lost in the north and east, it
gained in the south, and the dynastic capitals of the later Zagwé (c1137) and Solomonic
(c1270) dynasties were successively situated further in that direction.
Trading objectives
changed too; but still Arab traders continued to come to Ethiopia. The country still
possessed excellent agricultural resources, gold, ivory, hides, and many other products,
and doubtless the expansion southwards allowed the Ethiopians of the post-Aksumite era
to develop certain aspects of their export trade in luxuries as much in demand in the Arab
world as they had been in the Roman; we hear of merchants of Oman, Hejaz, Bahrein,
and the Yemen trading there (see below). Ethiopia may have found itself increasingly
outside the main stream, but was certainly not finished as a polity. The brief reports of the
next few hundred years speak of a large
and powerful Habash realm, and, as far as we
can tell, only in the later tenth century did disaster strike.
2. Successor Capitals.
The immediate successor capitals to Aksum are mentioned mainly by Arab authors,
illustrating well the new alignment of trade and therefore knowledge about the country.
In many cases these repeat the information of preceding writers, sometimes
anachronistically. The astronomer Al-Battani, for example, who died in 929AD, repeats