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es Démocratiques pour le Rassemblement (UFDR) in Bria, over the control of the area’s diamond mines. In June 2012,
between 70 and 100 armed men, alleged to be LRA rebels or Baba Ladé fighters, attacked AREVA’s Bakouma mining
project. Baba Ladé, rebel leader of the Chadian Front Populaire pour le Redressement (FPR), which operates in the
centre–north of CAR, allegedly also earns income from the sale of gold in Bangui. It is rumoured that he has even
bought machinery to increase the effectiveness of his gold extraction activities. Nevertheless, cattle breeding has
always been a much more important source of revenues for Baba Ladé. [17: 21–23]
Since September 2012, however, FPR is retreating from CAR after a tripartite agreement was signed between Baba
Ladé, Chad and CAR. Another important, if not the biggest, se- curity issue is the presence of bandits throughout the
country. These gangs profit from state security services’ lack of control outside of the capital and randomly attack
traffic on the country’s dilapidated road network. [21] Banditry is also a major problem in mining zones and on mineral
trading routes, where these bandits demand diamonds and taxes from diggers and diamond traders. Since 2006, because
of state inefficiency, the threat of bandits has apparently diminished in the relatively stable southwest. In the east,
however, the situation remains precarious. [5: 14] Next to armed violence, including rebellion and banditry, natural
resources can also give rise to friction between other, non–armed groups of society. Conflicts might, for example, arise
between migrant workers and local communities over access to mining lands, or the migrants’ alleged lack of respect of
local social norms and customs.
Another actual issue is a tension between artisanal miners and government officials. Non–registered miners are wary
of avoiding capture by mining brigade units. Furthermore, artisanal miners are often distrustful of government agents,
suspecting them of rent–seeking incentives. Government agents are, indeed, often cited as perpetrators of harassment.
Central African Republic’s new government insists that it intends to fully comply with the Kimberley Process,
which aims to curb the trade in blood diamonds whose profits have driven some of the bloodiest conflicts in Africa over
the past 20 years.
Oil
The Central African Republic did not produce mineral fuels in 2006 and depended upon imports for its energy
requirements. United Reef Ltd. of Canada obtained the rights to a pe- troleum exploration permit in the country through a
“farm–in agreement” with Denver–based RSM Production Corp. in 2004. It was unable to continue with its exploration
activities in
2006. The company declared force majeure following the lack of progress in resolving a con- tract dispute between RSM
and the government. The company’s exploration permit was for the Doseo and the Salamat basins in the northern part of
the country. In a bid to tap the coun- try’s under–exploited mineral wealth, former president Bozize had awarded China
National Petroleum Corp (CNPC) rights to explore for oil at Boromata, in the country’s northeast near the border
with Chad. South Africa’s DIG oil is also prospecting in the southeast of the country, near the town of Carnot. The new
president certainly will review CAR’s mining and oil contracts with China, signed by the Bozizé government.
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Uranium
The following companies are performing uranium prospection and/or exploration in Cen- tral African Republic: Uramin
Inc., Uranio AG. (South Africa), Les Mines de Centafrique (CAR); and interested foreigner countries are: France, UK,
South Africa and Switzerland.
A peculiarity of the Bakouma deposit is the great difficulty to extract the uranium. [22] A start–up of the French
nuclear giant Areva’s project in Bakouma was planned for 2010. Ac- cording to the plan, at full capacity, the mine will
have an output of 2,000 tons per year. [23] The project was to ramp up to full production in 2014–15, but this is now
delayed at least two years after an expenditure of EUR 107 million, due to low uranium prices and the need for further
research on the metallurgy. Resources have been reported as 32,000 t U by Areva Resources Centrafrique, which holds a
90% interest over ten discrete deposits. [24]
During the last decade China has steadily increased their visibility and influence in CAR, a country rich in untapped
natural resources. With French investments moribund and French influence in general decline, the Chinese are likely
positioning themselves as CAR’s primary benefactor in exchange for access to CAR’s ample deposits of uranium, gold,
iron, diamonds, and possibly oil. Although Chinese aid and investment was unlikely to come with trouble- some
caveats regarding democratic practices and economic transparency, they are apparently interested in promoting the
pacification of troubled areas in northern CAR in order to protect their own interests and personnel. [25]
Modern History (After the colonial period)
On August 13, 1960 CAR gained complete independence with David Dacko as its first Pres- ident. In 1966 Col. Jean
Bédel Bokassa, Dacko’s cousin, seized power. In December 1977
Bokassa made himself Emperor and his rule was extravagant as well as brutal with Amnesty International revealing he
had participated in the massacre of 80 school children. The coun- try’s name was changed to the Central African
Empire. In September 1979 Bokassa was ousted by a coup that was supported by French paratroopers and resulted in
the restoration of the republic. In 1981 the country’s name was changed back to CAR and in the same year the military
led by Gen. Andre Kolingba overthrew Dacko once more, taking control of the government. The new military
government banned all political parties and in 1986 Bokassa returned to CAR from exile in France. In 1987 Bokassa was
convicted of embezzlement and being an accomplice to several murders. He was sentenced to death, although his
sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment.
After three tumultuous decades of misrule ― mostly by military government ― civilian rule was established in 1993
and lasted for one decade. President Ange–Felix Patasse’s ci- vilian government was plagued by unrest, and in March
2003 he was deposed in a military coup led by General Francois Bozize, who established a transitional government.
Though the government has the tacit support of civil society groups and the main parties, a wide field of candidates
contested the municipal, legislative, and presidential elections held in March and May of 2005 in which General Bozize
was affirmed as president. The government was unable to have full control the countryside, because of state inefficiency,
where pockets of lawless- ness persist. [5: 16–17] Unrest in the neighbouring nations of Chad, Sudan, and the DRC has
been permanently able to affect stability in the Central African Republic as well. [26: 94–95]