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free trade', in his "Wealth of Nations".
27
Moreover, in this early period there
was still a regular dialogue between the neo-classical school and (neo-)
Marxists, which only came to an end after the Bolshevik revolution and
certainly after World War II. We doubt that Pirenne ever read Marx's works.
In his Réflections, Marx is mentioned only once (Pirenne, 1917, 181).
Indirectly, of course, Pirenne was influenced by Marxism, again through the
German historical school, which was as open to these ideas as it was to
others. It is well known that Pirenne showed a certain respect for Hegelian
ideas as well. Karl Bücher, whose works Pirenne knew well, is sometimes
labelled a Marxist. Sombart was certainly a Marxist during one period of his
life, but Pirenne challenged Sombart's work seriously, just as he questioned
the ideas of Max Weber (Ibid., 213, in which he made both Weber and
Sombart look ridiculous). Lamprecht was influenced by Marx as well, but
Lamprecht misread and confused Marx's ideas (Chickering, 1993, 121). The
fact that most followers of this school favoured certain types of guided
economies brought them closer to Marxism. In passing, it is interesting to
note that Pirenne used ethical arguments to critique certain social groups and
he was not entirely the 'bourgeois' right-wing 'liberal' historian (Prevenier,
2010, 497) that some have claimed, since he clearly did not favour untamed
capitalism. Thus he called the church a typical medieval-feudal institution
that did not fight poverty. Moreover he was convinced that the first capitalist
gains were based on fraud…
28
2.3. Pirenne, Malthus and quantitative history
To which degree did Pirenne think that Malthusianism was an underlying
motive for (under)development in history? We know that he was very much
in favour of historical demography. He even published some interesting work
on it (Pirenne 1903a, 1903b – on Ypres). However, nowhere in his work have
we found decisive evidence that the population movement was a 'primum
movens'
in history. Pirenne may have been too much of an 'economist' to
incorporate the Malthusian model into his thinking, just as this model has
always been preferred by those outside the field of economics (Young, 2008).
27.
See e.g. Adam Smith's "The Wealth of nations", published in many copies on Google
books.
28.
"La plupart des grandes fortunes au XIII siècle ont été accumulées par fraude…" (The
majority of the great fortunes of the 13th century were accumulated by fraud) (Pirenne, 1917,
180). See also Pirenne (1917, 180) and compare with Prevenier (2010, 497).
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E. THOEN / E. VANHAUTE
For him, demography was primarily a tool to study social family structures.
Here he was as well inspired by the 'German historical school' and especially
by Carl Bücher, whom Pirenne called the father of scientific historical
demography on the basis of Bücher's study of Frankfurt (Pirenne, 1903a). A
short piece on the nature of the proletariat in his Réflections is typical:
"Ils ne proviennent pas de la surpopulation. Ils ne sont en rien d'ailleurs un objet de
mépris, au contraire" (They did not arise from over-population. They were in no
case, however, a subject of contempt, on the contrary) (Pirenne, 1917, 237).
In addition, the influence of Malthusian thought on economics and especially
on economic history was quite limited in Pirenne's period of active scholar-
ship.
29
In this connection, it must be said that Pirenne did not use intensely
quantitative data. Although intellectually inferior, his contemporary Belgian
colleague Van Houtte published much more in this respect (e.g. the first
useful price series for Old Régime Belgium). Pirenne's interests (and those of
the German historical school) were more focused on seeking out those
incentives which made commerce and economics possible or impossible than
in temporary fluctuations of prices and wages. Typically, he paid scant
attention to the works of François Simiand (1873-1935), who many consider
the founder of price history in France. However, his 'positivist' and multidis-
ciplinary orientation, which received a certain boost after the turn of the
century, led him to publish a short article on statistical documentation
(Pirenne, 1900).
2.4. Pirenne and new tendencies in economic history: the
'New Institutional Economics'
One of the relatively new tendencies in economic history, originating from
the field of economics, is the 'New Institutional Economics', a school which
received three Nobel prizes since 1991 (Ronald Coase, Douglas North, Oliver
Williamson). This school focuses on understanding the roles of the evolu-
tionary process and institutions in shaping economic behaviour, firmly in
connection with classical economics.
30
According to this school, transaction
29.
It became only very popular from the 1930s, with the works of W. Abel and others.
30.
Institutions are "the humanly devised constraints that shape human action" (North, 1999,
3).
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costs (all the direct and indirect costs of trade in commodities) determine
commerce and economics. These ideas have become very popular in eco-
nomic history, especially through Douglas North's work (see inter alea the
studies of J.-L. van Zanden, B.J.P. van Bavel and many others) who refers to
Pirenne directly (e.g., North, 1995, 13):
"Pirenne's story is one of the creation of the institutional infrastructure of
democratic order within thriving town economics, which was gradually undermined
by guild restrictions and conflict between patrician and lesser citizenry over control
of the polity".
We have suggested before that many of Pirenne's ideas would fit relatively
well within this theoretical framework, because we are convinced that most
of his conceptual and methodological ideas were the result of his contacts
with the German historical school. In his study of this new economic school,
Pearson contended that there was a clear resemblance between "transaction
cost economics" and the ideas of many members of the German historical
school one century earlier (Pearson, 2002, 30). Pirenne did emphasise
constraints on economic development and, indirectly, the impact of
"externalities" (see above). However, he probably would have found many of
these current studies too imbued with neoclassical ("universal") theory, too
abstract, too distant from the sources, and too detached from the historical
context.
2.5. Pirenne and new tendencies in economic history:
'Global History'
Since the 1990s, many economic and cultural historians have turned away
from a nationalistic and Eurocentric approach to global history. The realm of
global economic history and world-systems theory is in many aspects a
tribute to Pirenne's work. The core of these 'global ideas' goes back to
Pirenne's interest in comparative history, which probably increased after
World War I.
31
Not surprisingly, those who have taken up the Pirenne-Sweezy arguments
are mostly 'circulationists' who stress the importance of the long-distance
(later: global) markets for capitalist expansion. The most explicit use and
31.
According to Chickering (1993, 268 ff.), Karl Lamprecht was a great promoter of world
history. Of course, international or supranational comparison was also a theme favoured by all
followers of the German historical school of economics.
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