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For Belarus, as well as for the majority of the former USSR coun-
tries, “the European choice” or “the European prospect” remains dis-
putable; it has never been a subject for revision and reconsideration,
namely, political analysis. Unlike some of the countries of Central
and Eastern Europe (further CEE), e.g. the Czech Republic and Po-
land, “the European choice” or “the European prospect” has never
taken the form of a political program, it was usually referred to as “a
utopian horizon” and was unclearly thought of as a united form of
liberal democracy. Some people considered it the time (according
to Z. Bauman) of global capitalism, while others called it a “univer-
sal” package of values or a catalogue of intellectual discourses, some
other groups of people believed it to be simply “a quality of life”, or
a set of realities that was not a subject of choice and integration at a
cultural, historical and geographical level.
It is incorrect to believe that Belarusian society is divided ac-
cording to people’s attitude towards “Europe” (to the Euro-Atlantic
world, widely referred to as the West), though the character of this
attitude surely varies. At the same time, a representative of any social
group would choose the following two notions: “we are a part of Eu-
rope” and we are referred to as “sub-Europeans”. In addition, repre-
sentatives of the ruling class believe in two contradictory statements
that are parts of one main strategy: a) on the one hand, we have pro-
tected you from horrors of the western society; b) on the other hand,
we will soon live just like western people do. “Sub-Europe”, striving
to become a recognized part of Europe (“world community”), is an
image of Belarus that “theoretical Belarusian classes” have in mind.
Such form of self-identification, though controversial at first, is
typical of almost all of the countries of the former USSR, includ-
ing Caucasian and Central Asian countries (with the exception of
Anatoly Pankovsky
Buffer forMs: to europe
through denial of europe
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Buffer Forms: to Europe Through Denial of Europe
the Baltic States and Turkmenistan that have chosen their priorities at once). In all these
cases, Europe is thought of as a final destination. It is worth mentioning that all the CIS-
members have democratic constitutions that correspond to the European standards, and
are not likely to deny international obligations, accepted during the moment of the intro-
duction into the European institutions (the OSCE, the Council of Europe, etc.). It is quite
indicative, that ideological textbooks of “Europe’s last dictatorship” - though principles of
democracy in a European way do not even presuppose the existence of any ideological
textbooks – are loyal [1]. However, the necessity of specific alterations and cultural devia-
tions on the way to democratic transition has been declared in the textbooks. This is done
in order to legalize, at least temporarily, “the Belarusian model”. Transitology appears to be
a convenient doctrine, justifying to a certain extent “the expediency” of delays on the way
to market reforms and democratic transformations up to their complete denial. The CIS
countries are supposed to enter the European family first, and then “mature” within the
limits
of the post-Soviet world, and finally reach the standard of sovereignty.
Thus, there exists some kind of a prospect in a prospect, a context in a context –
post-Sovetikum in big Europe (from Vancouver up to Vladivostok), - within the borders
of which “the Belarusian model” looks not only extraordinary or seems to be a deviation
(if to consider it for example, along with the countries of CEE), but it is more of a rule [2].
At least this circumstance compels us to imagine the position of Belarus in reality before
building up “the European prospect” in the imagined world.
Post-Sovetikum does not only present an abstract notion built on the ruins of an
imperial complex, or the space where some inertial forces operate. It is more likely to
present a set of spaces - structures and fields “correlated” with them (to be more precise,
grounds), - that are characterized by their own process logic and noted for their complex
mutual relations with each other. Let us call these structures buffer forms, as long as post-
Sovetikum, besides all other characteristics, is the so-called collective screen that acts as
a medium for interrelations between “global” processes or “challenges”, as they are more
often referred to, and “glocal answers”. Our task is to study the logic of development
isomorphic for these buffer forms. It will let us specify “the Belarusian case”, i.e. simply
understand that it cannot be explained either from its own or European perspective.
1. The CIS as a Platform on the Way to Legitimate Sovereignties
If “the post-Soviet space” had been something like a vessel without any bulkheads,
it would have sunk by the end of the 90s, by the moment of “final” registration of sover-
eignties. However, the post-Soviet ark is arranged in a more sophisticated way, which lets
it survive despite the flooding of separate compartments. Essentially this circumstance,
namely, the existence of various integration structures with mutually exclusive and cor-
related functions, has long been a subject of weak-sighted (as it is possible to ascertain)
criticism and self-criticism.