BÜHLER’S AND CASSIRER’S SEMIOTIC CONCEPTIONS OF MAN
67
Cassirer first found academic asylum at the Universities of Oxford and
Gothenburg
3
from where he moved on to the Universities of Yale and
Columbia. Unlike Bühler, he quickly managed to master the languages of his
host countries well enough that he was ultimately able to write his last two
major publications – An Essay on Man (1944) and The Myth of the State
(1946) – in a tongue that was to be become the lingua franca of science and
philosophy after the end of World War II. Although Bühler by no means
abandoned his psychological, linguistic, and semiotic investigations in the
aftermath of his forced immigration (cf. Eschbach, 1983), he would be
unable to produce a newer publication that would receive as much response
as his former releases. Whereas Cassirer, then, was not only able to maintain
but also to better his philosophical standing in the course of his exile, Bühler
increasingly faded from the spotlight. Albeit his organon model of language
(cf. chapter 2 below) is probably still known to any student and scholar of
linguistics, only few of Bühler’s significant publications have been
translated into English. In contrast, almost every major treatise of Cassirer is
now available in English. As a consequence, the reception and study of
Cassirer’s philosophy is (albeit to a large extent not before the 1980s)
progressively flourishing both in Europe and in the Anglophone countries,
4
whereas a large proportion of Bühler’s main ideas are only being discussed
in a relatively small circle of linguistic or semiotic adepts.
In addition to these predominantly tragic biographical commonalities
and blows of fate, Bühler and Cassirer first and foremost shared numerous
theoretical interests. One the one hand, both of them extensively explored
the specificity and functionality of language. On the other hand, the two of
them considered semiotics to be of vital importance for their respective
linguistic and philosophical investigations. In fact, Bühler’s and Cassirer’s
theories of signs can be rated as two of the most decisive contributions to the
history of semiotics. In this context, they also brought forth several insights
which are still of great anthropological value.
In the present essay, I shall primarily focus on three aspects: Firstly, I
want to outline the basic assumptions of Bühler’s and Cassirer’s semiotically
grounded linguistic or philosophical undertakings. Secondly, I intend to
demonstrate the extent to which both scholars drew anthropological conclu-
sions from their particular semiotic considerations. Finally, and despite the
3
In 1939, after living and working in Gothenburg for four years, Cassirer even obtained
Swedish citizenship. As John Michael Krois suggests, « the most important years in
Cassirer’s life as a philosopher were neither those in Germany nor his final 4 years in
America, but his 6 years in Gothenburg » (Krois, 2004, 20).
4
Brigitte Schlieben-Lange accurately highlighted that the growing interest for Cassirer is
mainly related to his philosophical writings whereas the impact of his Philosophy of
Symbolic Forms for theory of language is generally suppressed (cf. Schlieben-Lange, 1997,
279).
Mark A. HALAWA
68
numerous analogies which are going to be revealed by the following
comparative inspection, my aim is to bring into view the most substantial
differences between Bühler’s and Cassirer’s semiotic and anthropological
conceptions.
In order to reconstruct Bühler’s semiotically deduced notion of man, I
shall first deal with the so-called organon model of language which
represents one of the most crucial key concepts within his theory of language
(chapter 2). Then, and with continuous reference to Bühler’s semiotic notion
of man, I will discuss the semiotic foundations of Cassirer’s Philosophy of
Symbolic Forms and his idea of man as animal symbolicum (chapter 3).
2.
BÜHLER AND THE CONCEPT OF SYMBOLICITY AS THE DIFFERENTIA
SPECIFICA OF MAN
Bühler is most often associated with his magnum opus Theory of
Language. This seminal treatise does not only summarise Bühler’s most
significant thoughts about the specific capacity of language, it also contains
a multitude of ideas that are still of great value to the contemporary theory of
language. However, and as Gerold Ungeheuer rightly suggested (cf.
Ungeheuer, 1967, 41), the theoretical extent of Bühler’s Theory of Language
cannot be comprehended sufficiently unless another equally pivotal book –
namely, Die Krise der Psychologie (The Crisis of Psychology), which was
first published in 1927 – is taken into account of as well (cf. Bühler, 2000).
5
Despite its seemingly non-linguistic title, Bühler’s Krise does indeed
mirror and anticipate numerous assumptions that can be found in a more
elaborated form in the succeeding Theory of Language. These comple-
mentary references especially concern the famous organon model of
language, which constitutes a substantial centrepiece of the Theory of
Language. Yet, Bühler’s Krise is by no means merely a preparatory work
towards the Theory of Language but rather a fully autonomous study that
discusses a great number of problems which are in fact primarily of
psychological nature. At the same time, though, Bühler made unmistakably
clear that he « did not move out to reform psychology but to find the axioms
of the theory of language » (Bühler, 2000, 49). According to him, the quest
for « the axiomatics and methods of psychology » (ibid., 19) is inseparably
interwoven with the quest for the axiomatics of language. Thus, he insisted
that the study of psychology inevitably requires the study of language as
well.
Since this symbiotic conjunction may appear odd and unconventional
from a present-day perspective, I would like to review the basic intentions of
5
Cassirer remarked that these two publications « belong together and explain each other »
(Cassirer, 1996, 151), too.