Microsoft Word Deleuze, Guattari- a thousand Plateaus
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NOTES TO PP. 428-433 □ 565
Vidal-Naquet's preface to the first French edition, Le despotisme oriental (Paris: Minuit, 1964), which was surpressed in the second edition at Wittfogel's request; Ferenc Tokei, Essays
CERM, Sur le mode de production asiatique (Paris: Ed. Sociales, 1969).
10. Varron made a famous pun on nexum and nee suumfit ( = the thing does not become the property of he who receives it). In effect, the nexum is a fundamental form of archaic Roman law, according to which it is not an accord between contracting parties that creates an obligation, but the borrower's or donor's word, in a magico-religious mode. This is not a con- tract (mancipatio), and it involves no buying-selling, even deferred, and no interest, although it seems to us that it may involve a kind of rent. See in particular Pierre Noailles, Fas et Jus (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1948); and Dumezil, who stresses the connection between the nexum and the magic bond, Mitra-Varuna, pp. 118-124. 11. See the excavations and studies of James Mellaart, Earliest Civilizations in the Near East (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965) and Catal HuyukQievj York: McGraw-Hill, 1967). The urbanist Jane Jacobs has drawn on this work in proposing an imperial model she calls "New Obsidian" (after the name of the lava used to make tools), which may go back to the beginning of Neolithic times, or even much further into the past. She stresses the "urban" origin of agri- culture and the role of hybridizations occurring in the urban grain stocks: It is agriculture that presupposes the stock, and not the reverse. In an as yet unpublished study, Jean Robert ana- lyzes Mellaart's theses and Jacobs's hypothesis, applying them to new perspectives
12. Clastres, Society against the State, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Urizen, 1977). We have seen that, according to Clastres, primitive war is one of the principal mechanisms warding off the State in that it maintains the opposition and dispersion of small segmentary groups. But also, from this viewpoint, primitive war remains subordinated to these preven- tive mechanisms and does not become autonomous as a machine, even when it comprises a specialized body. 13. According to Griaznov, it was the sedentary farmers who went out on the steppe and became nomadic, during the Bronze Age: This is a case of a zigzag movement in evolution. See
1969), pp. 97-98, 131-133. 14. Jean Robert develops this notion of an "inversion of signs and messages": "In a first phase, information circulates principally from the periphery toward the center, but at a cer- tain critical point, the town begins to emit, in the direction of the rural world, increasingly imperative messages"; the town becomes an exporter (D'ecoloniser I'espace). 15. On Chinese towns and their subordination to the imperial principle, see Etienne Balazs, Chinese Civilization and Bureaucracy, trans. H. M. Wright (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1964), p. 410: "The social structures in both India and China automatically rejected the town and offered, as it were, refractory, substandard material to it. It was because society was well and truly frozen in a sort of irreducible system, a previous crystallization." 16. From all of these standpoints, Francois Chatelet questions the classical notion of the city-state and doubts that the Athenian city can be equated with any variety of State: "La Grece classique, la Raison, I'Etat," in Alberto Asor Rosa et al., En marge. L'Occident et ses "autres", (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1978). Islam was to confront analogous problems, as would Italy, Germany, and Flanders beginning in the eleventh century; in these cases, politi- cal power does not imply the State-form. An example is the community of Hanseatic towns, which lacked functionaries, an army, and even legal status. The town is always inside a net- work of towns, but, precisely, "the network of towns" does not coincide with "mosaic of
566 □ NOTES TO PP. 433-439
States." On all of these points, see the analyses of Francois Fourquet and Lion Murard, Les equipements de pouvoir: ville, territoires et equipements collectifs (Paris: 10/18, 1976), pp. 79-106.
17. Claude Levi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology, trans Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoeft (New York: Basic Books, 1963), pp. 150-151. 18. Louis Berthe analyzes a specific example of the need for a "third village" to prevent the directional circuit from closing: "Aines et cadets, l'alliance et la hierarchie chez les Baduj,"
19. Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life, 1400-1800, trans. Miriam Kochan (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), 60), pp. 398,405,411. Emphasis added. (On town-State relations in the West, see pp. 396-406.) And as Braudel notes, one of the reasons for the victory of the States over the towns from the beginning of the fifteenth century was that the State alone had the ability fully to appropriate the war machine: by means of the territorial recruit- ment of men, material investment, the industrialization of war (it was more in the arms facto- ries than in the pin factories that mass production and mechanical division appeared). The commercial towns, on the other hand, required wars of short duration, resorted to mercenar- ies, and were only able to encast the war machine. 20. This theme is frequently developed by Samir Amin: "Since the theory of relations between different social formations cannot be an economistic one, international relations, which belong precisely to this context, cannot give rise to an economic theory." Unequal
21. See Jacques Lacarriere, Les hommes ivres de Dieu (Paris: Fayard, 1975). 22. [ TRANS
:
On capitalism repelling its limits, see Deleuze and Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983), pp. 230-232.] 23. Samir Amin analyzes this particularity of the "peripheral formations" of the Third World and distinguishes two principal types, the oriental and African, and the American: "The Americas, Asia and the Arab world, and Black Africa were not transformed in the same way because they were not integrated at the same stage of capitalist development at the center and therefore did not fulfill the same function in development." Unequal Development, p. 295. See also Accumulation on a Worldscale, vol. 2, trans. Brian Pearce (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974), pp. 390-394. We shall see, however, that under certain conditions the center and the periphery are determined in such a way as to exchange their characteristics. 24. Gaetan Pirou, Economie liberale et economie dirigee, vol. 1 (Paris: Ed. Sedes, 1946-1947), p. 117: "The productivity of the marginal worker determines not only that worker's wage but that of all the others, in the same way that, when it was a question of commodities, the utility of the last bucket of water or last sack of wheat governed the value not only of that bucket or that sack but of all the other buckets and all the other sacks." (Marginalism seeks to quantify the assemblage, when in fact all kinds of qualitative factors are at work in the evaluation of the "last.") 25. On the importance of the theory of evaluation and feeling out for marginalism, see Jacques Fradin's critical discussion, Les fondements logiques de la th'eorie neoclassique de
groping evaluation, but one that can bear only on the quantity of socially necessary labor; Engels speaks of this precisely in the context of precapitalist societies. He invokes "a process of zig-zag approximation, often groping back and forth in the dark," which is governed more or less by the "need for each person to have a rough idea of his costs" (one may wonder if this last part of the phrase does not reinstate a sort of marginalist criterion). Engels, "Supplement to Volume Three of Capital," in Marx, Capital, vol. 3, trans. David Fernbach (New York: Vin- tage, 1981), p. 1036. Yüklə 5,43 Mb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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