NOTES TO PP. 386-390 □ 559
tance of this question in the East-West "dossier," see Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life,
pp. 300-309, and Chaunu,
L'expansion europeenne, pp. 145-147.
65. Virilio gives a very good definition of the fleet in being and its historical conse-
quences: "The fleet in being... is the permanent presence in the sea of an invisible fleet able
to strike no matter where and no matter when ... it is a new idea of violence that no longer
comes from direct confrontation... but rather from the unequal properties of bodies, evalu-
ation of the number of movements allowed them in a chosen element, permanent verification
of their dynamic efficiency... .Henceforth it is no longer a question of crossing a continent or
an ocean from one city to the next, one shore to the next. The fleet in being creates ... the
notion of displacement without destination in space and time.... The strategic submarine
has no need to go anywhere in particular; it is content, while controlling the sea, to remain
invisible . .. the realization of the absolute, uninterrupted, circular voyage, since it involves
neither departure nor arrival... .If, as Lenin claimed,'strategy means choosing which points
we apply force to,' we must admit that these 'points', today, are no longer geostrategic
strongpoints, since from any given spot we can now reach any other, no matter where it might
be... geographic localization seems to have definitively lost its strategic value, and, inversely,
that this same value is attributed to the delocalization of the vector, of a vector in permanent
movement"; Speed and Politics, pp. 38,40-41,134-135. Virilio's texts are of great importance
and originality in every respect. The only point that presents a difficulty for us is his assimila-
tion of three groups of speed that seem very different to us: (1) speeds of nomadic, or revolu-
tionary, tendency (riot, guerrilla warfare); (2) speeds that are regulated, converted, appropri-
ated by the State apparatus (management of the public ways); (3) speeds that are reinstated by
a worldwide organization of total war, or planetary overarmament (from the fleet in being to
nuclear strategy). Virilio tends to equate these groups on account of their interactions and
makes a general case for the "fascist" character of speed. It is, nevertheless, his own analyses
that make these distinctions possible.
66. Jean-Pierre Vernant in particular has analyzed the connection between the Greek
city-state and a homogeneous geometrical extension, Mythe et pensee chez les Grecs (Paris:
Maspero, 1971 -1974), vol. 1, part 3. The problem is necessarily more complicated in relation
to the archaic empires, or in relation to formations subsequent to the classical city-state. That
is because the space in question is very different. But it is still the case that the number is sub-
ordinated to space, as Vernant suggests with regard to Plato's ideal state. The Pythagorean or
Neoplatonic conceptions of number envelop imperial astronomical spaces of a type other
than homogeneous extension, but they maintain the subordination of the number; that is why
Numbers become ideal, but not strictly speaking "numbering."
67. Dumezil stresses the role played by the arithmetic element in the earliest forms of
political sovereignty. He even tends to make it a third pole of sovereignty. See Servius et la For-
tune and
Le troisieme souverain (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1949). But
the role of this arithmetic
element is, rather, to organize a matter; in so doing it submits that matter to one or the other of
the two principal poles.
68. Karl von Clausewitz stresses the secondary role of geometry, in tactics and in strat-
egy: On War, trans. Michael Howard, Peter Paret, and Bernard Brodie (Princeton, N. J.:
Princeton University Press, 1976), pp. 214-216 ("The Geometrical Factor").
69. See one of the most profound ancient texts relating the number and direction to the
war machine, Ssu-ma Ch'ien, The Records of the Grand Historian, trans. Burton Watson (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1961), vol. 2, pp. 155-193 ("The Account of the
Hsiung-nu").
70. Frank Herbert, Children of Dune (New York: Berkley Books, 1977), p. 212. One may
refer to the characteristics proposed by Julia Kristeva to define the numbering number:
560 □ NOTES TO PP. 390-399
"arrangement," "plural and contingent distribution," "infini-point," "rigorous approxima-
tion," etc.
Semeiotike. Recherches pour une semanalyse (Paris: Seuil, 1969), pp. 293-297.
71. Boris Iakovlevich Vladimirtsov, Le regime social des Mongols, trans. Michel Carsow
(Paris: Maisonneuve, 1948). The
term used by Vladimirtsov, "antrustions," is borrowed from
the Saxon regime, in which the king's company, or "trust," was composed of Franks.
72. A particularly interesting case is that of a special body of smiths among the Tuareg,
called the Enaden (the "Others"); the Enaden are thought to have been originally Sudanese
slaves, Jewish settlers in the Sahara, or descendants of the knights of Saint Louis. See Rene
Pottier, "Les artisans sahariens du metal chez les Touareg," in Techniques et civilisations, vol.
1 (M'etaux et civilisations), no. 2 (1945), pp. 31-40.
73. Feudalism is no less a military system than so-called military democracy; but both
systems assume an army integrated into some kind of State apparatus (for feudalism, it was
the Carolingian land reform). It is Vladimirtsov who developed a feudal interpretation of the
nomads of the steppe, whereas Mikhail Griaznov, The Ancient Civilization of Southern
Siberia, trans. James Hogarth (New York: Cowles, 1969), leans toward military democracy.
But one of Vladimirtsov's main arguments is that the organization of the nomads becomes
feudal precisely to the extent that it is in disintegration, or is integrated into the empires it
conquers. He himself remarks that in the beginning the Mongols did not organize the seden-
tary land they took over into fiefs, true or false.
74. J. F. C. Fuller, Armament and History (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1945),
p. 5.
75. Paul Virilio, "Metempsychose du passager," Traverses, no. 8 (May 1977), pp. 11-19.
Virilio, however, asserts that there was an indirect transition from hunting to war: when
women served as "portage or pack" animals, which already enabled the hunters to enter into a
relation of "homosexual duel" transcending the hunt. But it seems that Virilio himself invites
us to make a distinction between speed, as projector and projectile, and displacement, as
transport and portage. The war machine is defined from the first point of view, while the sec-
ond relates to the public sphere. The horse, for example, is not a part of the war machine if it
serves only to transport men who dismount to do battle. The war machine is defined by
action, not transport, even if the transport reacts upon the action.
76. J. F. C. Fuller, Armaments and History, pp. 137ff., shows that the First World War
was first conceived as an offensive war of movement based on artillery. But artillery was
turned against artillery, forcing immobility. It was not possible to reinstate mobility in the war
through "ever-increasing shell fire" (p. 138) since the craters made the terrain all the harder to
negotiate. The solution, to which the English, and General Fuller in particular, made decisive
contributions, came in the form of the tank: the tank, a "landship" (p. 139), reconstituted a
kind of maritime or smooth space on land, and "superimposed naval tactics on land warfare"
(p. 140). As a general rule, military response is never in kind: the tank was the response to artil-
lery, the helicopter to the tank, etc. This makes for an innovation factor in the war machine
that is very different from innovation in the work machine.
77. On this general distinction between the two models, "work-free action," "consum-
ing force/conserving force," "real effect/formal effect," etc., see Martial Gueroult's expo-
sition, Dynamique et metaphysique leibniziennes (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1934), pp. 55,
119 ff., 222-224.
78. Marcel Detienne, "La phalange, problemes et controverses," in Problemes de la
guerre en Grece ancienne (Civilisations et societes, no. 11), ed. Jean-Pierre Vernant (The
Hague: Mouton, 1968), pp. 119-143: "Technology is in a way internal to the social and the
mental," (p. 134).
79. On the stirrup and the plow, see Lynn Townsend White, Jr., Medieval Technology and
Social Change (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), chapters 1 and 2. Similarly, it has