Histoire du vicariat

B. The Hutu
1. Albert Pagès, La vie intellectuelle des Noirs du Rwanda, 1934, p. 657

“The Hutu is squat, short, less regular features, muscular force higher than that of the Tutsi, less tempting, more timid, less polished”.

2. Alexandre Arnoux, Ibidem, p.15

“Bahutu very much out-number other two social groups. If Batwa hardly amount to ten thousands and Batutsi to some 50.000, Bahutu exceed a million and half. Their physical type is that of the ordinary Black of which one can easily collects equivalent samples in almost all Africa and even in Melanesia. Well uncoupled, of usually dark colour, sometimes bronzed, the canard nose, reduced facial angle, a size of 1m 65 with 1m 70 on average”.

3. R. Delvaux, Races de l’Afrique centrale : Ruanda-Urundi, 1930, p.10

“The Hutu form the race of vassals, have coarse and irregular features, but are simpler and franker than the Tutsi”.

4. F. Huberty, Ibid.

“The Hutu are lazy, irritable, faithful, they are like grown-up children”.

5. Jean Hiernaux, Ibid.

“Size 167,08 cm, length of the nose 52,41 mm, maximum length at the head 196,08 mm, bear ‘theophore’ and fatalist names”.

6. Georges Sandrart, Essai d’histoire du Haut-Plateau interlacustre de l’Afrique orientale, Astrida, 1942, p. 110

“The Hutu is invader, farmer, peaceful by nature, with a narrow spirit, closed on innovations, ripe for control, born to be dominated, naive, peasant, simple and with peaceful manners”.

7. K.H. Hausner et B. Jézic, Rwanda, Urundi, 1968, p.123

“The Hutu is influenceable, opportunist, reacting to external stimuli by feeling rather than reason. He does not have the need for individual independence”.

I.2.2 PRINCIPAL IDEAS OF THIS QUOTATION
As we have just seen, those whom we name Speke’s disciples are writers of the colonial world who wrote the history of Rwanda. Among these, there are Christian Missionaries and members of the colonial Administration. In addition to the ideological heritage of Speke, they added the following new ideas:
1. The first new idea is that the population that Speke spoke about is, for them, made up of three definitely distinct races: the Twa, the Hutu and the Tutsi.
2. The second idea is the alien-ness that Speke ascribed only to the Hima (Tutsi). His disciples also allotted it to the Hutu as well. Only the Twa are true indigenous.
3. These three categories of the Rwandan population are presented on a scale of three levels. The Twa occupy the low level of the society. They are fewer, wilder, with physical and psychological characteristics close to those of animals. The Hutu constitute the largest component of the society, with physical and psychological characteristics similar to those of the other Blacks known as Bantu. The Tutsi occupy the higher level of the society.
The Tutsi are attributed with physical and psychological features nobler than those of the others, but not without defects among these qualities, as the thorn in the roses.
4. The Tutsi arrived in Rwanda a long time after the other races: towards the 15-16th century.


I.2.3 A COMMENT
After reading this information on the theory of Speke and realized that almost all the writers of the colonial world accept it without the need of the least proof, one can wonder what lies behind this unanimity? With not doubt, the explanation is the interest of the colonial policy. Indeed, this theory of Speke that himself stated well to be his own invention was accepted because it facilitated the colonial administration of the country. Even Rwandans of the colonial time accepted almost unanimously the two basic postulates, namely the extraneity of the Tutsi and the racial difference between the Hutu and the Tutsi. It is only under the 3^rd Republic that the two postulates are contested with vehemence. Indeed, it is the unanimous acceptance of these two postulates which was the delayed-action bomb of the 1994-genocide. The Tutsi had been presented as Abyssinian who had colonized Rwanda, the country of the Hutu. Later, we will come back on this problem. To make the genocide a success, its perpetrators deliberately forgot that even the Hutu had been presented by the colonizers as originating from West African countries. The only advantage they had compared to the Tutsi was that they arrived after them. Only the Twa are said to be the inhabitants originating from Rwanda.


Chap. II: THE TUTSI, AS A “GOOD NEGRO” OF THE COLONIZER

II.1 THE COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION USES THE TUTSI

IN HIS INDIRECT RULE

As noted above, the Tutsi was considered by the colonial world to be of Semitic origin who arrived in the world of the Black and thus was naturally made to order it. Taking into account this prejudice, founded on the theory of Speke, members of the descendants of the kings and the queen mothers were associated with the colonial power as able helpers. Of course, this privilege was accorded only to the great Tutsi families accustomed to managing the political power in pre-colonial Rwanda. With this intention, an administrative reform was introduced into the government of the country. This reform was initiated by Resident George Mortehan in 1926. The reform in question was catastrophic. Indeed, it deposed all the Twa, Hutu and Tutsi chiefs and sub-chiefs of modest families. Alexis Kagame was able to count 40 Twa sub-chiefs, sacked during this period (Un abrégé de l’Histoire du Rwanda, Butare, 1972, p.187). This is attested by Leon Delmas of the Missionary Society of the White Fathers. He provides the results of a long-term investigation conducted in the country in which the Mortehan reforms, among other injustices, put the power of “Indigenous Auxiliaries” in the hands of a small group of people, mainly belonging to two clans: Abanyiginya and Abega. It is worth noting that beginning with the reign of Ruganzu I Mbwimba to that of Kigeli IV Rwabugiri, there was a total of 15 queen mothers, 9 of whom were of the Abega clan. This can be found in Delmas’ book, Généalogies de la noblesse (Les Batutsi) du Ruanda, Kabgayi, 1950, p.1. Below are some of his findings.

II.2 AN ELOQUENT TESTIMONY
- “In Ruanda, one can distinguish three races: Batwa, Bahutu, Batutsi. We give here the average of their sizes, as it was communicated to us by Dr. Czekanowsky, ethnologist from the Commission of Study of the Duke Fred Adolphe de Mecklemburg in 1907. This average was established following hundreds of experiments in several areas of Ruanda. Batwa measure: 1m 61. Bahutu measure: 1m 67. They form the mass of the population. Batutsi measure: 1m 80. They are the noble class. On a population of 1.800.000, they are approximately 180.000. In this study, we indicate below the names of chiefs and sub chiefs, who were still in service in the year 1947-48”.
-The table below gives the results of the investigation.

CHIEFS AND SUB-CHIEFS BY CLAN

Clans	Total	Chef	S-Chef
Nyiginya Eega Kono Ha Siinga Zigaba Shambo Baanda Cyaaba Gesera Abungura Hinda	242 100 36 13 30 40 60 15 25 75 10 1	23 10 1 4 5 1 1 1	219 90 36 12 26 40 55 15 25 74 9 -
Total Global	640	46	594

Percentage : - Nyiginya = 37%

Nyiginya + Eega = 53%

II.3 A COMMENT
The colonial policy of giving power almost exclusively to Tutsi of some families of royal descent had a well known negative effect. The colonizer will however later forget that it is him who was the author of this privilege and will reproach it to the poor Tutsi who had not requested it. The Tutsi will be accused of having reduced the humble Hutu folk to servitude. However in pre-colonial Rwanda, the power was shared between members of all clans without privileging none but following the competence and merits of each one. To rectify this mistake made by the colonizer, the Hutu, supposedly, corrected it by putting in prison all Tutsi heads in administration, many of them innocent, and replaced them with Hutu without any particular merit, except the fact of being Hutu. Let us recall that this violent change of guard took place under the regime of the Special Resident, Coloner Guy Logiest.

Chap. III: THE HUTU, “SPARE PART” TO REFUSE

INDEPENDENCE OF RWANDA

III.1 THE HUTU BECOMES “THE GOOD NEGRO” OF THE COLONIZER

At the beginning of colonization, the Tutsi, or more specifically a few members of some Tutsi families, had been selected as the “good negroes” to use as auxiliaries in the colonial administration because they were accustomed to managing the politics of the country. When the hour of independence for African countries sounded, indigenous Tutsi authorities followed this wave of decolonization of Africa. When they saw the agitation for the country’s independence, colonial authorities frowned at the ingratitude of the Tutsi saying: “These people, we gave them the monopoly of power to help us manage the country and now they want to drive us out of the country”! Such was the cry of alarm of colonial agents. “From now on, it is necessary to collaborate with the Hutu. We were wrong to put aside from power these `Hutu brave men' who do not think of driving us out, like these ungrateful Tutsi”.

To adjust their line of fire, they simply decided to change their rifle from the shoulder. Indeed, they decided to reject the Tutsi and collaborate with the Hutu. With the many political Parties being born around this time, they chose a Hutu political Party, precisely named Parmehutu to entrust it the totality of indigenous power. To succeed in this change of alliances, they chose Special Resident, Colonel Guy Logiest. Logiest, a newcomer in the country hatched the idea to consult Monsignor Andre Perraudin, the archbishop of Kabgayi. This bishop was considered in the Hutu and colonial circles as the most clear-sighted in political matters of the country. This consultation is reflected in the following two citations:



Colonel Guy Logiest: “Then I went to the bishopric (of Kabgayi) where Monsignor Perraudin welcomed me very warmly. He made me understand in measured words that it was imperative to redress the injustices of which the Hutu had been constant victims and that important changes were necessary in the political organization of the country” (Mission in Rwanda, p.50).

Bishop Andre Perraudin: “In Rwanda, the differences and social inequalities are, to a large part, related to the differences in race, in the sense that the richness on one hand, and political power, even judicial power, on the other hand, are actually in considerable proportion in the hands of people of the same race” (Super omnia caritas, p. 33).

After this blessing from the archbishop of Rwanda, Logiest was even more determined to achieve his mission. He started by deposing all the Tutsi chiefs and sub-chiefs, replacing them with the Hutu. At the end of the Preface to his book Mission in Rwanda (Brussels, 1959), Professor Stengers wrote: “To understand why there is a Hutu Rwanda, it is necessary to understand Colonel Logiest”. In fact: “Logiest found a Rwanda of all Rwandans; he transformed it into the Rwanda of the Hutu”. At the end of this operation, he set up a government known as “the Provisional Government” formed according to specific details that we read in the book Rwanda politique (Brussels, 1961) of Fidele Nkundabagenzi.

III.2 COMPOSITION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT
1. Prime Minister = Grégoire Kayibanda

2. Education = Grégoire Kayibanda. He is assisted by a State Minister : Isidore

Nzeyimana.

3. Internal Affairs = Jean-Baptiste Rwasibo. He is assisted by a State Minister :

Charles Lees.

4. Justice = Anastace Makuza. He is assisted by a State Minister : Franciscus

Ackerman.

5. Social Affairs = Hubert Bovy. He is assisted by a State Minister: Claver

Ndahayo.

6. Agriculture = Baltazar Bicamumpaka. He is assisted by a State Minister:

d’Artur Dubois.

7. Economic Affairs = Joseph de Man. He is assisted by a State Minister: Augustin

Ndayambaje.

8. Refugees = Thaddée Gatsimbanyi (Tutsi). He is assisted by a State Minister:

Emmanuel de Jamblinne de Meux

9. Finance = Gaspard Cyimana. He is assisted by a State Minister: De Jacques

Dens

10. National Defense = reserved for the (Belgian) Tutelage with an

Administrative Secretary: Dominique Mbonyumutwa.

11. External Relations = reserved for the (Belgian) Tutelage with two

Administrative Secretaries : Otto Rusingizandekwe and Aloys Munyangaju.



III.3 A COMMENT
This Government thus comprises of 11 Hutu, 9 Belgians and 1 Tutsi. The latter was especially in charge of the specific problem: the Tutsi refugees. This last Ministry attests that the political upheavals that occurred caused social disorder in the country. Indeed, many Tutsi, to save themselves, had no other option than exile. This Ministry was charged with convincing the Tutsi refugees to give up the idea of returning into Rwanda and to seek complete settlement in their countries of refuge. The advanced reason to make them give up this inalienable right of returning to their fatherland was the land inadequacy that characterized Rwanda. The falseness of this argument is proven by the current policy which consists in repatriating all Rwandan refugees of the different periods while the Rwandese territory has always remained the same. These refugees, after having tried, in vain, to return peacefully, will end up returning through an armed struggle in 1994 under the umbrella of the RPF.

Chap. IV: THE DISCRIMINATORY POLICY OF

THE FIRST TWO REPUBLICS

IV.1 THE RACIST IDEOLOGY
As is well known, 1959 was a fateful year. For some, it was the year of revolution and for others, the year of regression. On July 1, 1962, the flag of Belgium was descended and that of Rwanda hoisted, thus marking national independence. Unfortunately, this independence was trapped. The Belgian Tutelage worked under the leadership of Parmehutu political party of Gregoire Kayibanda. The latter was replaced on July 5, 1973, by the MRND of Juvénal Habyarimana. This transmission of legal power, from the Belgian Tutelage to the two Rwandan Republics did not bring real social independence. Quite the contrary, the Rwandan society was even more torn apart by the policy of racial discrimination which culminated into the 1994 genocide.
IV.2 Three illustrations of the racist ideology of Parmehutu
1° Ten Commandments of the Hutu

In number 6, of the Kangura Newspaper, on page 8, Hassan Ngeze publishes the famous 10 Commandments created by Gitera, which constitute a political guidance of the Hutu with regard to the Tutsi.

1. Every Hutu must know that a Tutsi, wherever she is, works for her ethnic group. Consequently, is a traitor every Hutu: - who marries a Tutsi, - makes of a Tutsi her concubine, - makes of a Tutsi her secretary or her protected?
2. Every Hutu must know that our Hutu girls are worthier, conscientious in their role.
3. Hutu women, be vigilant and bring back your husbands, your brothers and your sons to reason.
4. Every Hutu must know that every Tutsi is dishonest in business. He only aims at the supremacy of his ethnic group. Consequently, is traitor every Hutu who makes alliance with the Tutsi in his business, - invests his money or the money of the State in a company of the Tutsi, - lends or borrows money from a Tutsi, - grants to the Tutsi favours in his business.
5. Strategic posts, whether political, administrative, economic, military and security, must be entrusted to the Hutu.
6. The Education sector (pupils, students, and teachers) must be mainly Hutu.
7. Rwanda Armed Forces must be exclusively Hutu. The experience of October War 1990 is a good lesson. No soldier must marry a Tutsi.
8. The Hutu must cease to have pity of the Tutsi.
9. All Hutu, wherever they are, must be united, interdependent and be preoccupied by the fate of their brothers Hutu: - the Hutu of interior and outside Rwanda must constantly seek friends and allies for the Hutu cause, starting with their bantu brothers, - they must constantly thwart the Tutsi propaganda, - the Hutu must be firm and vigilant against their common enemy, the Tutsi.
10. The Social Revolution of 1959, the Referendum of 1961, and the Hutu ideology, must be taught to every Hutu at all levels. Every Hutu must widely spread the present ideology. Is a traitor every Hutu who shall persecute his Hutu brother to have read, spread and taught this ideology.

2° The declaration of a Bishop
Monsignor Phocas Nikwigize, the former Catholic bishop of Ruhengeri, while a refugee in Kivu, could make an amazing declaration that became famous. The weight of this declaration comes from the dignity of its author and the perversity of its content.

As one can realize, the Tutsi is made guilty of a mistake done by his creator, because he is said to be “wicked by nature”. What is even worse is that his colleague bishops of Rwanda have never contradicted him, thus making everyone believe that such an opinion is shared by all the bishops of Rwanda. Here is the content of this statement made to the journalist Els de Temmermen, of the Flemish Newspaper De Volkskrant, on June 26, 1995: “the Tutsi is crafty, hypocritical and wicked by nature”.

3° The declaration of a politician
Professor Leon Mugesera, member of MRND political party, pronounced a speech which remained unforgettable. He pronounced it in a meeting held in Kabaya, on November 22, 1992, in the presence of President Habyarimana who approved of it by his silence. This speech contains two major ideas. This spokesman of MRND first of all regrets that they let the Tutsi leave for exile instead of finishing them. The second idea is that, to rectify this error, they will be sent to their country of origin by a way of a shortcut, namely: to kill them and throw their corpses in Nyabarongo river.

Chap. V: THE RPF RESPONSE

As it is well known that since 1959 the Tutsi took refuge in large numbers in neighboring countries and beyond. The right to return to their motherland was denied them under the pretext of exiguity of the national territory. The Tutsi who remained in Rwanda were subjected to pitiless segregation in the sector of education, employment, security and in the political management of the country. This discrimination culminated into the 1994-genocide. After having tried to return to the country through peaceful means, including the Arusha Accords, those refugees, under the umbrella of the RPF, assumed their responsibility. Under the orders of General Fred Gisa Rwigema, the vanguard troops from Uganda crossed the border at Kagitumba in the North of Rwanda. Fallen under the bullet from the enemy camp, in the first days of attack, Gen. Rwegema was replaced by a providential man, General Paul Kagame. It is this man who, through multiple maneuvers and skillful operations, led the RPF to victory over the genocide forces. The capture of Kigali took place on 04^th July 1994. A Government of National Unity was installed.

The RPF regime restored order and peace. It posed solid structures for a Rwanda liberated from any form of dictatorship. It, finally, put in place, the bases for a remarkable social progress. Against great evils occasioned by the colonial Administration and the first two Republics, the 3^rd Republic brought about the following remedies: 1° the removal of an ethnic identity card; 2° 9-year basic education, free and mandatory; 3° repatriation of all refugees; 4° end of impunity and capital punishment; 5° outlawing discrimination against women; 6° decentralization of power.

V.1 Suppression of the ethnic identity card
In the first chapter of this discussion, we saw how the theory of races invented by Speke was accepted without hesitation by colonial Agents and Leaders of the First and Second Republics. Consequences of this theory are well-known: divisions in the Rwandan society and genocide against the Tutsi. The policy of national unity required a flat and energetic denial of this theory and the suppression of its supporters. The dogma according to which Rwanda is inhabited by three races, the Twa, the Hutu and the Tutsi, had to be demolished by all means; not only because it is not based on any proof, scientific or otherwise, but also because it only rests on the pure invasion by Speke and his disciples. The partisan politics made this lie to be accepted by those who had egoistic interests in it. Colonizers used it to deny independence of the country. The Parmehutu-MRND regimes used it to convert ethnic majority of the Hutu into political majority. It is this immense cheating that has become today dogmatic and difficult to demolish. The liberation of our mind will probably take still more time. But we don’t have any other choice.

V.2 End of discrimination in education and public labour

Under Parmehutu-MRND regimes, the policy of ethnic quotas was strictly applied in all education schools at all levels and in public labor, both in government-controlled and private institutions. This policy of quotas was ‘justified’ by the alleged monopoly of the Tutsi in those fields during the colonial period. The Tutsi, supposed to be always 10% of the population, were entitled to places proportional to this percentage in these two fields. This quota covered three fragrant injustices. The first injustice was that, during the colonial period, justice in all sectors of the society depended on colonial authorities. It was thus unjust to attribute to the Tutsi any monopoly.

The second injustice fell on the whole Nation which was deprived of qualified elements to count on the least qualified ones provided that they are Hutu. Thus “Hutu-ness” was regarded as the merit and competence, the most valid. The third injustice was that the Tutsi who could afford it, had to expatriate themselves in search of a school or an employment.