21
equivalents in the weights and measures of other towns. Still
[209] today these local standards of
measurement are found on the old church walls in Italian towns.
Towns arose in ports, at river crossings, at trading posts for an increasing trade in goods like
salt and iron. Markets grew in symbiosis with religious celebrations: accumulation of people al-
ways favours trade. The town specialises in arts and crafts and exchanges this for food from the
surrounding countryside. Infrastructure is improved to reduce what Oppenheimer calls the
Transportwiderstand.
5.3 National Economy (Volkswirtschaft)
This stage is characterised by a slow transfer of the institutions and synergies which had been
seen as productive at the town level to a whole nation. This stage involves large-scale manufac-
turing, and trade is no longer direct between producer and consumer, but through intermediaries.
Bücher clearly sees the importance of mercantilist policies in order to create a national econ-
omy: ‘Mercantilism is not a dead dogma, but the living praxis of all statesmen of any impor-
tance, from Charles V to Friedrich The Great. The typical economic policy of mercantilism was
that of Colbert.’ It is worth noting that no nation of any size – with the exception of tiny states
like San Marino – has created a high standard of living without going through a stage of eco-
nomic policy of the Colbert type.
The national economy became a very important unit for income distribution through labour
mobility, and through common education, language, skills and values. Wages and – after the
gold standard was abandoned – also money supply, were increased at the pace of physical pro-
ductivity of the economy. The barber raised his prices at the rate of productivity increase in the
economy, and in this way the service workers in the industrialised countries came to have a
much higher living standard than their Third World counterparts. This way of distributing the
fruits of technological progress is what the French regulation school in economics refer to as
‘Fordism’ – a corollary to Fordism as a system of mass production in the theory of Perez and
Freeman. This mechanism is what we have referred to as a collusive
[210] spread of the gains
from technological change – a spread that to a large extent takes place inside a national labour
market. The national economy became a Burg for the defence of a high living standard, just like
the Burg in the town economy defended the Burger from enemy attacks.
5.4 The Global Economy
When reading Bücher’s
Entstebung today, one is struck by the thought that this book gives the
account of Mankind’s road toward a globalised economy. Bücher himself hints at the possibility
of a Weltwirtschaft, but he sees it far into the future.
58
Using Bücher’s framework in his Studies
in the Evolution of Industrial Society, Richard Ely makes the point about globalisation very clear
already in 1903: ‘We are now in this stage (of national economies); and one may add, the next
stage, according to this view, would be world economy. The money market is truly a world mar-
ket.’
59
58
P. 149.
59
Ely, op. cit., p. 68-69.
22
As in the previous stages, trade and technology leads the way, and the necessary human insti-
tutions are slowly following. Today, we still have different ‘economies’ operating in all Bücher’s
extended four spheres. We make sandwiches and brush our teeth in the Family Economy, we
shop and buy services from the plumber in the Regional Economy, we participate in an educa-
tional and health system which is part of the National Economy, and buy computers and watch
movies which are part of the Global Economy. The global economy opens a new set of chal-
lenges for human institutions to create the ‘good’ society. In our view there are particular prob-
lems in the area of income distribution, to which we shall return below.
[211]
6. Income Distribution Issues in the Four Stages
Stage theories open up insights into both international trade theory and to a better understanding
of world income distribution. Friedrich List’s theory of international trade – which set the stan-
dard for non-English trade policy in the 19
th
century – was based on his understanding of the
stages of human evolution. Richard Ely says the following about List’s ‘National System of Po-
litical Economy’:
‘He (List) was interested especially in the problem of the protective tariff, holding that the policy
which was suitable for one period in a nation’s growth could not be safely followed in a subse-
quent period. In other words, he taught clearly that no one could properly describe himself either
as a free trader or a protectionist. A man might be rationally a free trader at one period of devel-
opment (of a nation), a protectionist at a later period, and again, at a subsequent period ... a free
trader.’
60
In this perspective any nation dominating the new stage or paradigm would benefit from free
trade, but nations risking to get stuck specialised in the activities of the former paradigm would
need temporary protection. The 19th century common sense was that free trade was beneficial to
nations at the same level of evolution, but only in the interest of the richer nations if trade was
between nations at different stages of evolution.
All Bücher’s stages also have their own mechanisms of income distribution. On the chart on
the following page we have tried to summarise the stages and their respective mechanisms of
income distribution. In all stages the regional or national labour market – in a system of free la-
bour mobility – has provided what was probably the most important mechanism of income dis-
tribution. The income of the barber in the United States rose at the pace of productivity increase
of the whole US economy – not at the pace of increase of productivity of the barber. For this rea-
son the income of barbers, bus drivers, waiters, and of most traditional service workers are so
much higher in the First World than in the Third. This in spite of the fact
[212] that the barbers
and bus drivers in the Third World are just as productive and efficient as their colleagues in the
First World.
The global economy as we know it today differs fundamentally from all previous stages of
economic geography in that labour mobility is – for the first time – restricted inside the preva-
lent sphere of the economic system. Since free labour mobility is not part of the globalised
economy, it is – in our opinion – even more important than before to distribute productive ac-
60
Ely, op. cit., p. 21-22.