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other forms at certain powers of materiality are effects of such an order that they
go beyond the possibilities of the formal-material dialectics of linguistic means.
Here the question concerns the critical mass of social action multiplied by the
critical mass of natural conditions. Perhaps the talk about "random patterns" is an
attempt to avoid rigorous determinism and honestly say that the "coincidence"
that led to the emergence of what we have today is a consequence of the
organics of the world that are not yet understood.
As a driving force, a kind of "energy Qi" public "inner world" neoconomy
proclaims money, driving social activity. Long before getting acquainted with this
theory (years for 5 or 6), I somehow suggested the hypothesis consonant with it
that money is the regalia of relative power – just as the crown (+ scepter + power)
is the regalia of absolute power or power as such, and therefore not multiplied by
emitting, which is why they are unique. In contrast to money, which is just
multiplied and its "regularity" historically can be tied to "monetary material"
(precious metal or security paper) solely for the purpose of protection against
forgery. And since in this multiplicity they are like signs, and there are signs, from
this my interest in the semiotic nature of money arose. Of course, at the time, I
did not know anything about their "chip-distributive" concept, which is a part of
O. Grigoriev's money concept (my own, "regally-semiotic," interpretation of the
nature of money, as a whole, does not contradict the "token-distributive"
concept).
Taking into account what is known about money in the framework of the
neoconomic theory, it turns out that the semiosis of money circulating in the
society, inflationary and multiplicatively created, primarily (in any case, primarily
in time) exists within the framework of logistical processes, more precisely,
transport and logistics. In the same sense, combinations of marked
interpretations make it possible that money can act as regalia of relative power,
not only in terms of their quantitative relativity, but also in qualitative, namely, in
terms of their target ability to be exchanged for goods (primarily commodity),
with the right the benefactor to become the possessor of relative regalia, the
number of which is determined by the social system of the market that gradually
develops around this kind of goods (in which is expressed some kind of natural,
self-governing, social principle oh justice delegating relative authority). Whereas
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regalia of absolute power are peculiar to their non-exchangeability: transferring
them to another person on the rights of possession simultaneously means
abandoning possession of all signified, connected with them as signifier. In the
physiocratic sense, such a signified regalia of absolute power is the land, or the
territory to which the power extends.
It is therefore not possible to trade "half of the kingdom for a horse" if these half-
kingdoms have their own "crown", and "horse" is an accessory or part of this
"half-kingdom". It is a different matter if there is a situation when this figurative
"horse" does not represent it, although it was created (born and raised) in this
kingdom. The kingdom itself is a zone of difference in the densities of money
transactions, the densest part of which in certain historical periods (the initial
ones) fulfill the absolute power regalia (the very power of the owner of such
regalia is not necessarily absolute, and may be urgent in the case of an elected
monarchy).
In other words, power is given to those who give benefits, relative power is given
to relative goods (or values), and over time, in a society where relative power
begins to dominate, there is a denial of absolute power and a rejection of the
presumption of the existence of absolute goods or values - aristocracy, absolute
monarchy and religious dogma. Absolute power itself assumes itself as the source
of any possible benefits, acquiring the value of the absolute good existing in
society; subsequently, the absolute good is inverted and alienated, transforming
the source of power consistently from the primary allocator of duties to the
preferential resource allocator and, further, to the preferential distributor of the
"semantic substitute" of resources using "money" as the primary means of
counterfeiting protection. All these distributions are so densely combined in
history that it is almost impossible to single out their historical sequence – rather,
this is a logical sequence. And logical – if we consider that the significance of the
division of labor in the economic contour is higher than the significance of the
available resources in it.
The most interesting thing begins when management in the zone of high
transaction density of relative money begins to take place without the use of
absolute regalia. The memory of the fact that the "relative" is an emanation of
the "absolute" begins to get out, and the trade sector begins to impose political
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rights. Then the laws of the existence of money, closest to the distributive
warehouse and giving the greatest and primary advantage to their owners, begin
to act. The warehouse itself, now turning out to be the resource base of the
market, turns into a system of warehouses and markets, being managed by the
freeze market of money and derivative rights to assets (as well as derived from
derivatives, at any rate, the trade and financial sector developing its own self-
awareness). It is no coincidence that the exchanges are located in major trading
and metropolitan centers. There are not just purchases and sales, but it is
precisely the management of money and the resources exchanged, and to a large
extent, before and in addition to such exchange. And in this sense, today, the
authentic trade (which is the essence of the activity of the financial sector) is
minimized (or reduced to an electronic format), since the latter invariably
assumes a transport-logistic component in its composition (without which the
concept of the price difference of the goods loses its economic content). In this
sense, stock currency speculation is nothing else than money handling, in which
the transport component of their semiosis is reduced.
But what does all this mean in a concrete manifestation? This means that in
speculative stock money, interest, like a fee for a coin, is also speculative. Not to
mention the fact, mentioned, that the management of money in the centers of
the highest transaction density is out-of-stock (or extra-resource), in the main.
The fact that most goods are sold in such centers in the sense of their exchange
for real sector money should not be embarrassed: where should they be, if not in
the warehouses and showcases of the "shopping center" already brought to
where there is the most solvent consumer demand? Here we are talking about
the money itself. And what is important here is that the money itself, the less
they are located, the more they have the properties of the regalia of absolute
power in different currency-exchange and quantitative terms, or they acquire
these properties from time to time (conditionally speaking, in the most dense
financial space, monetary volumes gnaw each other like spiders in a bank and, as
such, exhibit non-quantitative characteristics). This is exactly what corresponds to
the concept of capitalization, only in the opposite sense: institutional-stock
inflation of the price to a firm or an entrepreneur (the well-known expression
"the manager sells not only as himself"), when a bunch of factors, apart from
available money, is the basis for investments (for example, purchase of shares).
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