Neg China Reaction da 1NC

Africa

Non UQ

Non-unique—China is already China’s largest trading partner

Shinn 7/9/15

(David, former U.S. ambassador to Burkina Faso and Ethiopia. 7/9/15 “China, Africa and Food Security” in International Policy Digest, accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.internationalpolicydigest.org/ 2015/07/09/china-africa-and-food-security/ LC)

China and Africa together constitute more than a third of the world’s population. China is Africa’s largest trading partner and an important source of investment and aid. As a result, the China-Africa relationship has significant implications for global food security. Neither China, with 1.4 billion people, nor the 54 countries of Africa collectively, with 1.1 billion people, are food self-sufficient. Although they both export food, they have become net food importers.

A2: China Econ Dominance

China can’t be a global economic leader—stock market crash proves

Avni 7/30/15

(Benny Avni, UN-based journalist and writer for New York Post, 7/30/15 “China’s crisis means opportunity as well as risk for America” New York Post accessed 7/31/15 from http://nypost.com/2015/07/30/chinas-crisis-means-opportunity-as-well-as-risk-for-america/ LC)

This week’s spectacular crash of the Shanghai stock market tells us two things about China’s recent economic troubles: It’s less predictable, and less easily influenced by state intervention, than previously thought.¶ China’s most important stock index lost 8.5 percent Monday, the largest drop in the Shanghai exchange since 2007. Ouch. Worse: The selloff defied the government’s desperate attempt to prop up stocks and end days of market free-fall.¶ That’s because Beijing still hasn’t figured out what role it should play in its insanely volatile markets.¶ More broadly, Communist Party bigwigs struggle to square a circle: China has a top-down political system, but the secret to its fast-growing economy is its exposure to some measure of market freedom. [We do not endorse the Ableist rhetoric in this card.]

China can’t maintain African economic dominance

Sun and Olin-Ammentorp 14

(Yun Sun, senior associate with the East Asia Program at the Stimson Center and Jane Olin-Ammentorp, Research Contractor of Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. 4/28/14 “The US and China in Africa: Competition or Cooperation?” Accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/africa-in-focus/posts/2014/04/28-us-china-africa-policy-sun LC)

Due to weak consular protection and constrained military deployment overseas, Beijing largely lacks the capacity to provide physical protection to its nationals and interests in Africa. Although Chinese investments have contributed revenue and infrastructure to African countries, the transactional and mercantilist nature of some Chinese investments has also damaged China’s international prestige and undermined project successes on the ground. Many experts maintain that the isolating effect of some of China’s practices will work to its disadvantage over time. Indeed, with cumulative investments of around $22 billion (though the actual amount of FDI is debated and perhaps even two or three times this figure) and over 1 million Chinese nationals living in Africa, China is facing pretty large obstacles in addressing rising and now more pressing security risks threatening the physical safety of Chinese projects and people. In response, China has started to increase its fight against piracy and provide more support to United Nations missions in Africa.¶ Similarly, China is facing an ongoing reputational risk by continuing to make investments that, at times, can undermine the strengthening of democratic institutions and governance in Africa. It continues to invest in countries with governance challenges (which Western governments generally avoid), such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This tendency could be due to a different assessment of risks or comparative advantage, but experts predict that investment in these areas is generally not producing expected returns. Thus, many argue that Chinese investment will continue to evolve and likely result in a model similar to Western foreign investment.

Military Presence Doesn’t Help Econ

Large military presence doesn’t harms economic ties between Africa and the US

Agence France Presse 7/22/15

(No author, 7/22/15 “America in Africa: Military footprint growing but its trade lags behind China and Europe” access 7/31/15 from http://mgafrica.com/article/2015-07-22-america-in-africa-military-footprint-growing-but-its-trade-lags-behind-china-and-europe LC)

Washington (AFP) - President Barack Obama's keenly-awaited trip to Africa this week comes as the US superpower's military footprint on the continent is growing.¶ But US diplomatic and trade ties in Africa have not kept pace with defense cooperation, and lag far behind those of Europe and China.¶ - Targeted military presence -¶ Compared to its large-scale bases in Europe and Korea, and ongoing operations in the Middle East and Afghanistan -- the US deployment in Africa is discreet.¶ Indeed, the US military's Africa Command is still based in Stuttgart, Germany, having failed to find a suitable host country on the continent itself.¶ The United States has also deployed a joint task force in the Horn of Africa that operates from a base in Djibouti and carries out missions in the broader region.¶ View galleryIn this image released by the US Department of Defense, …¶ In this image released by the US Department of Defense, US Marine Corps 1st Lt. Mark Robinson inspec …¶ In sub-Saharan Africa itself, the US military concentrates efforts on training and supporting local forces in the battle against extremist militant groups.¶ "Our efforts on the African continent are all about creative and innovative ways to have small –- very small elements to advise and assist and support the African nations -- doing that," AFRICOM commander General David Rodriguez said last year.¶ He acknowledged most African countries would not welcome a large US military presence on their soil, and said US forces would instead help build up local armies to face mutual enemies.¶ The exception to this rule is the Djibouti base, which houses 3,200 US personnel, including units able to launch drone strikes and commando raids against jihadist targets in Yemen and Somalia.¶ US non-profit group the Bureau of Investigative Journalism estimates that in the past four years US forces have conducted between 10 and 14 drone strikes in Somalia and conducted between eight and 11 secret missions.¶ View galleryA Harrier jet aircraft assigned to the 26th Marine …¶ A Harrier jet aircraft assigned to the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit (26th MEU) returns on March 21 …¶ - Terrorism and Ebola -¶ Smaller counterterrorism missions and one limited humanitarian deployment have also brought American boots onto African ground in recent years.¶ In Niger, 200 US personnel have been assigned to assist the French forces of Operation Barkhane against the jihadist groups roaming the Sahel desert.¶ Up to 300 special forces and other US experts can be assigned at any one time to central Africa -- based largely out of Uganda -- to help track down Joseph Kony's Lord's Resistance Army rebels.¶ Late last year, 2,800 personnel briefly deployed to West Africa to offer hands-off logistical support to the battle against the Ebola epidemic.¶ View galleryChadian army soldiers sit in a military vehicle in …¶ Chadian army soldiers sit in a military vehicle in Malam Fatori, northern Nigeria, on May 25, 2015 ( …¶ - China rising -¶ But while military action occasionally grabs the headlines, the inroads made by America's great power rival China go deeper -- as Beijing gathers African raw materials and invests in industry and infrastructure.¶ Last month, Obama renewed AGOA -- the 15-year-old African Growth and Opportunity Act -- which offers trade advantages to some African products seeking US markets.¶ Trade between the United States and Africa rose to $73 billion last year, roughly half each way, but with the United States enjoying a slight $3.5 billion surplus over its poorer partners.¶ And the African countries who benefit most from AGOA are not fledgling manufacturers or financial services hubs, but crude oil exporters like Angola and Nigeria.¶ Recent steep falls in the price of oil -- in part due to US success in developing its own shale oil -- helped force Africa's exports under AGOA down by 47 percent last year.¶ Meanwhile, the broader engagement by resource-hungry China and Africa's former colonial powers in the European Union saw their trade with Africa hit $200 billion and $140 billion respectively.

Plan avoids the impacts—Shifting away from strong military presence is best for African economic development

Nsia-Pepra 14

(Kofi, Associate Professor of Political Science (International Relations/Comparative Politics) at Ohio Northern University, January-February 2014 Military Review “Militarization of U.S. Foreign Policy in Africa: Strategic Gain or Backlash?” LC)

Obviously, it would be naïve to ignore the rel-evance of military force in overseas contingency¶ operations, but U.S. failure to address the causes of growing insurgency in Africa is also a strategic miscalculation. Gates recommends bolstering the civilian efforts that he considers vital to U.S. success overseas. According to Gates, “the most persistent and potentially dangerous threats will come less from emerging ambitious states, than from failing¶ ones that cannot meet their basic needs much less the aspirations of their people.”53 The priority is rather¶ to resolve the problems of poverty, promote good governance, help build weak state capacities, and promote responsible use of the country’s wealth to develop the human capacity of all the citizenry. Weak and failed states, due to their inherent weaknesses,¶ are safe havens for terrorism and international crimi-¶ nal activities such as drugs and money laundering, which finance terrorism. The U.S. must work with¶ African states to arrest the decline in state capacities.¶ The State Department and United States Agency for International Development’s unprecedented Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review to enhance civilian capabilities of U.S. statecraft are most welcomed. The review must design a clear vision that will help build stronger and more effective governance in weak states, reduce corruption, pro-¶ mote rule of law, stimulate economic development, reduce poverty, and promote long-term develop-ment.54 International coordination and trust-building¶ are what makes America strong, and Judah Grunstein articulates this very well by stating :¶ Much of our national security strategy depends on securing the cooperation of other¶ nations, which will depend heavily on the extent to which our efforts abroad are viewed as legitimate by their publics. The solution is . . . the steady accumulation of actions and results that build trust and credibility over time.55 To enlist the cooperation of Africa in achieving its¶ interests, the U.S. should formalize good relations with all African states and design a framework that harmonizes their security interests, which includes Africa’s human-security needs. This requires an¶ operational paradigm shift from primarily selec-¶ tive bilateral military policy to one that prioritizes collaborative and multilateral actions with both Africa and global partners. All African states’ issues demand equal attention if the United States¶ is to obviate the imminent threats to its interests in¶ Africa. The challenges we face today are complex¶ and demand collective efforts and use of both hard¶ and soft powers. Selectivity and militarization alone would fail to overcome these challenges. It is prudent the United States debunks its neoreal-¶ ist “hard power” policy and adopts liberal “soft power” policies in line with its idealist values and ends to capture Africa’s support in fulfilling its stra-tegic aspirations on the continent. President Bush¶ acknowledged the ineffectiveness of America’s over-reliance on force alone as a foreign policy, stating that the promotion of freedom was “not primarily the task of arms,” and the United States would not impose its own style of government upon the world. “Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.”56 To demonstrate real com-¶ mitment to develop a new partnership with Africa, the United States needs to redirect the focus away from strengthening military capacity and toward¶ promoting human development in Africa. The¶ United States, as the only super power in a unipolar world, stands to benefit from a stable, developed, and peaceful Africa. The United States could help¶ create the conditions needed for peace and stabil-¶ ity by restricting the flow of military weapons and¶ training and increasing support for sustainable¶ development policies. The United States can also¶ champion a cause of international arms sales code¶ of conduct based on human rights, nonaggression, and democracy. The United States should provide¶ increased development assistance to Africa and encourage civil-society building.

A2 Chinese Economic Dominance

China’s economic dominance doesn’t pose a threat—focus on domestic needs and trading arrangements shield

Subramanian 11

(Arvind, an Indian economist and the current Chief Economic Adviser to the Government of India, 2011 “Eclipse: Living in the Shadow of China’s Economic Dominance” pp. 171 accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.piie.com/publications/chapters_preview/6062/09iie6062.pdf LC)

China’s economic dominance going forward is more likely to manifest itself in its own protectionism more than via monopolizing access to resources or by entering into discriminatory arrangements. As Aaditya Mattoo and I (forthcoming) argue, energy is becoming more diversified in terms of type and geographic location; and barriers in other countries have come down in a way that makes discriminatory trading arrangements by China less of a threat. So, it is preventing a reversal of liberalization of the Chinese market and facilitating its further opening that will be of main concern to outsiders. But can these be achieved though international cooperation?

Reducing Military Presence Good

Plan avoids the impacts—Shifting away from strong military presence is best for African economic development

Nsia-Pepra 14

(Kofi, Associate Professor of Political Science (International Relations/Comparative Politics) at Ohio Northern University, January-February 2014 Military Review “Militarization of U.S. Foreign Policy in Africa: Strategic Gain or Backlash?” LC)

Obviously, it would be naïve to ignore the rel-evance of military force in overseas contingency¶ operations, but U.S. failure to address the causes of growing insurgency in Africa is also a strategic miscalculation. Gates recommends bolstering the civilian efforts that he considers vital to U.S. success overseas. According to Gates, “the most persistent and potentially dangerous threats will come less from emerging ambitious states, than from failing¶ ones that cannot meet their basic needs much less the aspirations of their people.”53 The priority is rather¶ to resolve the problems of poverty, promote good governance, help build weak state capacities, and promote responsible use of the country’s wealth to develop the human capacity of all the citizenry. Weak and failed states, due to their inherent weaknesses,¶ are safe havens for terrorism and international crimi-¶ nal activities such as drugs and money laundering, which finance terrorism. The U.S. must work with¶ African states to arrest the decline in state capacities.¶ The State Department and United States Agency for International Development’s unprecedented Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review to enhance civilian capabilities of U.S. statecraft are most welcomed. The review must design a clear vision that will help build stronger and more effective governance in weak states, reduce corruption, pro-¶ mote rule of law, stimulate economic development, reduce poverty, and promote long-term develop-ment.54 International coordination and trust-building¶ are what makes America strong, and Judah Grunstein articulates this very well by stating :¶ Much of our national security strategy depends on securing the cooperation of other¶ nations, which will depend heavily on the extent to which our efforts abroad are viewed as legitimate by their publics. The solution is . . . the steady accumulation of actions and results that build trust and credibility over time.55 To enlist the cooperation of Africa in achieving its¶ interests, the U.S. should formalize good relations with all African states and design a framework that harmonizes their security interests, which includes Africa’s human-security needs. This requires an¶ operational paradigm shift from primarily selec-¶ tive bilateral military policy to one that prioritizes collaborative and multilateral actions with both Africa and global partners. All African states’ issues demand equal attention if the United States¶ is to obviate the imminent threats to its interests in¶ Africa. The challenges we face today are complex¶ and demand collective efforts and use of both hard¶ and soft powers. Selectivity and militarization alone would fail to overcome these challenges. It is prudent the United States debunks its neoreal-¶ ist “hard power” policy and adopts liberal “soft power” policies in line with its idealist values and ends to capture Africa’s support in fulfilling its stra-tegic aspirations on the continent. President Bush¶ acknowledged the ineffectiveness of America’s over-reliance on force alone as a foreign policy, stating that the promotion of freedom was “not primarily the task of arms,” and the United States would not impose its own style of government upon the world. “Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.”56 To demonstrate real com-¶ mitment to develop a new partnership with Africa, the United States needs to redirect the focus away from strengthening military capacity and toward¶ promoting human development in Africa. The¶ United States, as the only super power in a unipolar world, stands to benefit from a stable, developed, and peaceful Africa. The United States could help¶ create the conditions needed for peace and stabil-¶ ity by restricting the flow of military weapons and¶ training and increasing support for sustainable¶ development policies. The United States can also¶ champion a cause of international arms sales code¶ of conduct based on human rights, nonaggression, and democracy. The United States should provide¶ increased development assistance to Africa and encourage civil-society building.

China Does Africa Better

Chinese aid to Africa is better—no conditions for loans, aims at independence, and best technological development

Wenping 07

(He, researcher for the Institute for West Asian and African Studies 6/7/7 “China’s loans to Africa won’t cause debt crisis” accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.china.org.cn/english/international/213038.htm LC)

These principles clearly state that the Chinese government does not attach any conditions to its aid nor demand any privileges; that China provides aid to the recipients in the form of interest-free or low-interest loans and will reschedule repayment if necessary; that Chinese aid is aimed at helping the recipients embark on the road to economic independence and self-reliance rather than increasing their dependence on China; that China promises to help the recipient countries master the technology in its technical aid; that China will try to provide the best possible equipment and materials it makes and that Chinese experts sent to the recipient countries should be treated the same as local experts, without special privileges.¶ Under these principles, China has provided African countries with a total of 44.4 billion yuan (US$5.55 billion) in aid as of May 2006. It has helped build textile mills, hydropower stations, sport venues, hospitals and schools, more than 800 projects in all.

Africans prefer Chinese aid to American aid—it’s not condescending

Harman 07

(Danna, correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor 6/27/7 “China takes up civic work in Africa” in The Christian Science Monitor, accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0627/p01s05-woaf.html LC)

Whether or not this largess has ulterior economic and strategic motives behind it, or whether it is propelled by nothing more than a desire to boost China's international image, the bottom line is that it is welcome by many on the continent.¶ "The Chinese interest in Africa ... their coming into our markets is the best thing that could have happened to us," says small-business contractor Amare Kifle, during a recent meeting with a Chinese investor in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa. "We are tired of the condescending American style. True, the American government and American companies have done and do a lot here, but I always feel like they think they are doing us a favor ... telling us how to do things and punishing us when we do it our own way.¶ "These Chinese are different," he says. "They are about the bottom line and allow us to sort out our side of the business as we see fit. I want to have a business partner and do business. I don't want to have a philosophical debate about Africa's future."

China’s poverty reduction expertise makes them uniquely suited toward developing Africa

Lu 07

(An Lu, policy analyst for China Daily 6/27/7 “China-Africa Development Fund Boosts Win-Win” accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.chinabidding.org/news/432472 LC)

While both China and many African countries recognize the mutual benefits of such a development fund, unfortunately, some quarters have criticized China for investing in the continent. ¶ Some development experts have attacked the practice of tying economic assistance to the purchase of goods and services from the donor country as wasteful and inefficient. That may be true for many aid projects developed countries have launched in the past, but it does not necessarily apply to China's aid for and investment in Africa. ¶ As a developing country, China can share with African countries its own important, unique experience in reducing massive poverty. ¶ It was China's reform and opening-up that created the right policy condition for its economy to take off about three decades ago. However, the increasing availability of adequate infrastructure has also proved essential for economic development in China.

African businesspeople prefer the Chinese model over the US model

Kempe 07

(Frederick, president of the Atlantic Council and a Columnist for Bloomberg 7/3/7 “China Challenges U.S., Europe in African Push: Frederick Kempe” accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.bloomberg.com /apps/news?pid=newsarchive&sid=afTuHQTUr5HY LC)

Many in the West view the Chinese in Africa as a strategic threat, but African business leaders I met in South Africa and Nigeria last week see an historic opportunity without equal since the end of the Cold War.¶ In contrast to the U.S. and Europe, the Chinese are determined investors, willing to take more risks, offer more subsidized loans, pose fewer human rights and democratization conditions, pay more bribes and operate in more remote places. They are also willing to undercut local labor markets and manufacturers by shipping in tens of thousands of their own workers and low-cost goods.¶ ``They are changing the African development model in ways the West has not yet grasped,'' says Greg Mills of South Africa's Brenthurst Foundation, who assembled the group at Tswalu with the Atlantic Council of the U.S.

China model

Kempe 07

(Frederick, president of the Atlantic Council and a Columnist for Bloomberg 7/3/7 “China Challenges U.S., Europe in African Push: Frederick Kempe” accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.bloomberg.com /apps/news?pid=newsarchive&sid=afTuHQTUr5HY

It's hard to fault Africans for embracing China after 50 years of development help from the West that has left them with just 2 percent of world trade, down from 7.5 percent in 1948. With notable exceptions, Africa remains the captive of poor governance, corruption and fragile economies that fuel war, rebellion and poverty.¶ China is succeeding on the continent not because its model makes more sense to African business leaders, most of whom still prefer further democratic evolution, but because it is focused and strategic, having defined Africa as a vital interest in a way the U.S. and Europe have not. President Hu Jintao has visited 17 Africa countries in the past 12 months, more than any head of state.

China has expertise and influence solves

Lyman 05

(Princeton N., Director of Africa Policy Studies Council on Foreign Relations 7/21/5 “China’s Rising Role in Africa” Council on Foreign Relations, accessed 7/31/15 from http://www.cfr.org/china/chinas-rising-role-africa/p8436 LC)

Chinese influence and involvement nevertheless waned in the 1980s as it was unable to compete with western aid programs and no longer was as fearful of Taiwan’s presence – though reducing recognition of Taiwan remained (and remains today) an important Chinese objective. What has changed in recent years, however, is China’s emergence as a significant world player on the economic scene and its own need for oil and other natural resources. China returns to Africa in the 21st century with not only a need for economic resources but with the cash to play the game dramatically and competitively.¶ David Shinn will be illustrating China’s involvement in east Africa and the Horn. Suffice to say here that China has become the principal investor in Sudan’s oil industry and related transport and infrastructure projects. China was able to do so because western companies, in particular American and Canadian firms, were pressured to withdraw because of Sudan’s civil war and charges of both persecution and use of slavery against the people of the south, including in the region of oil production. Sudan represents the clearest example of how China comes to Africa with what one analyst has called the “complete package:” money, technical expertise, and the influence in such bodies as the UN Security Council to protect the host country from international sanctions. China, together with its partner Malaysia, replaced western companies and enabled Sudan to become a net exporter of crude. China has become its biggest customer. Meanwhile, China has successfully prevented the UN Security Council from serious sanctions or other preventive measures in face of the alleged genocide and crimes against humanity perpetrated in the Darfur region of that country.