81
authoritative body; likewise is applied also to the second session of AVNOJ, of which
the SU had only been informed just before its commencement). Yugoslav leadership also
silently resented the Soviet one that the Soviet aid during the war (until the fall of 1944,
when the SU equipped twelve infantry and two aircraft divisions of the Yugoslav army)
was inappropriately more modest than the western one and that until the spring of 1942
Moscow celebrated Mihailovič as the leader of the resistance in Yugoslavia.
After the war, Soviet protests were provoked by several things: Tito's speech in
Ljubljana in May 1945, in which he said that Yugoslavia will not function as small
change in the trade between the great powers, in connection with the agreement reached
between the Allies already during the war; the agreement that Austria will be renewed
within the borders before 1938, which affected the Yugoslav demands for the change of
the borders in Carinthia; the issue of Trieste , where the SU did not wish to risk a tensing
of relations (a potential new war), and an occasionally inconsistent support of the SU in
the case of the Yugoslav demands at the Paris Peace Conference (e.g. the issue of
Gorizia). Conflicts also arose due to the conduct of the Red Army during the military
operations on Yugoslav territory (rapes, thefts, violent behavior towards the inhabitants),
however, until the conflict with the Information Bureau, this was covered up. In the first
post-war years these conflicts were problematic particularly due to economic relations:
uneven trades, the establishing of mixed societies that were a greater benefit to the SU;
pressure to establish a Soviet-Yugoslav mixed bank, etc. Despite all this, viewed on the
whole, these conflicts had not affected the relations between both parties and countries;
the closest relations to the first country of socialism were thus never questioned, and
even in the West Yugoslavia was deemed a loyal member of the socialist camp and a
follower of the SU. After the conflict with the Information Bureau and then the calming
down of the circumstances in the middle of the fifties, the relations were never again as
close, and the periods of mutual distrust common (Hungarian revolution 1956, the
program of the KPJ 1958, the occupation of Czechoslovakia 1968).
The second myth was connected to the thesis that the workers' self-management is »the
most essential first condition for creating truly socialist social relations«.
89
By
introducing self-management Yugoslavia was to have separated itself from the Soviet
89
Edvard Kardelj, Sistem socialističkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji, Privredni pregled, year XXVI, 1977, p.
9.
82
model of state ownership (the Soviet thesis was that the main condition for the transition
into communism was total state ownership, that, therefore, the state form of ownership
was the highest possible one), and naturally Yugoslavia was also to be differentiated
from the private-capitalist model. Such was to be the Yugoslav path into socialism »and
the only correct path when it comes to the withering away of state functions in the
economy«.
90
On the other hand the introduction of self-management »represents the
strongest reply to the question, where true democracy is. In our case democracy is
founded on the material basis of the broadest masses of workers. It is felt by the masses,
and used for the realization of a better and happier future for all the workers of our
country. This is a reply to those in the West, who keep saying that we do not have a true
democracy, that ours is a police state etc., and who like to talk about our want, about
how we do not have this or that, etc. Yes, we do indeed have a want of many things,
because we are not capable of creating enough means, enough of various objects for use,
enough of what would improve people's lives, and raise their living standards. Yet we
are on the path right now to realize all this and realize it we shall for all, not only for a
minority of people as it is in the West.«
91
After twenty-five years, when self-management had spread to other fields as well, and
was in the zenith of its domestic and international glory,
92
and had in the meantime also
experienced a confrontation with the so-called party »liberalism«, the system received a
new theoretical definition as well. It was labeled as a system in which »the long-term
socially historical task of the working class can be most freely realized – the transition
from a class to a classless society«.
93
The system was to have been »transitional« (from
capitalism through the beginning phase of socialism to communism) and thus still a
specific form of »the dictatorship of the proletariat«.
94
The theoretical reestablishment of
90
Debate by Boris Kidrič at the 6th Congress of the KPJ, in: Boris Kidrič, Zbrano delo, volume 4, Ljubljana
1976, p. 495.
91
Iz govora druga Tita u Narodnoj skupštini FNRJ povodom predloga osnovnog zakona o upravljanju državnim
privrednim poduzećima i višim privrednim udruženjima od strane radnih kolektiva 26. juna 1950, Komunist,
year XXVI, No. 4-5, 1950 (translation B. R.).
92
At the end of the sixties and in the first half of the seventies, when classic parliamentarism was in a crisis
(student demonstrations, a strong breakthrough by the left-wing – Maoist, etc. - movements, terrorism), self-
managing socialism became, especially with left-wing intellectuals in the West, the object of intense study for a
few years, for in it was seen a possibility of an alternative or intermediate model between the so-called real
socialism and capitalism.
93
Iz platforme za pripremu stavova i odluka desetog kongresa SKJ, juna 1973 godine, Komunist, Beograd 1973,
p. 37-46.
94
Ibidem.
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