77
neither the West as an absolutely negative reign«, in which he proceeded from the view
»that social transformation must arise from the social and moral forces of the individual
nation and that revolution must never and nowhere become dependent on the interest
policy of the regime of a country, even if it is a socialist one and no matter how
responsible for progress«.
77
In spite of this, the doubters on the left side of an
ideologically already divided Slovenia were, on the other hand, in the minority
78
, the
Catholic camp was split and in a severe internal crisis, while the influence of the SU,
particularly in the cultural field, was very powerful, not only in the imitation of Soviet
art, but also in the efforts to achieve institutional connections. As an example allow me
to list the music sphere, where this influence was shown in the numerous setting of
social texts to music, and the foundation of a large, 110-member choir at Rakek after the
Soviet model.
79
The main follower of socialist art was at that time the most influential
Slovene composer Slavko Osterc, who was (according to the same source) convinced
»that music cannot be written by a reactionary«. Osterc also strove for the founding of a
Soviet section within the Yugoslav section of the International Society for Contemporary
Music (ISCM).
80
Similar processes unfolded in other artistic fields as well, in the fine
arts, and particularly in social realism in literature.
If the devotedness, the opposition and doubt in the Soviet myth can somehow be
evaluated in the political and intellectual community, it is much harder to search for the
answer to the question of what the first country of socialism meant to ordinary people.
We could probably risk the assessment that before World War II the Soviet myth had
spread more among the intellectuals than among the lower classes.
81
At the time of World War II both myths were propagandistically and also otherwise
maximally intensified, with several important internal shades noticeable. In the case of
the communists, the German attack on the SU at first aroused the belief that the war
77
Edvard Kocbek, Listina, quoted after Nova revija, year V, No. 48-49, 1986, p. 671.
78
Peter Vodopivec, O svetlobi in barvi tridesetih let, Naši razgledi, 20. 4. 1990.
79
Maks Pirnik, Vse je bilo ozvočeno, vse je pelo, Primorska srečanja, year XIII, No. 91-92, 1989, p. 123.
80
Dragotin Cvetko, Fragment glasbene moderne - iz pisem Slavku Ostercu, Viri za zgodovino Slovencev
11, Ljubljana 1988, p. 8.
81
In this evaluation I proceed from the fact that the influence of the communists, whose number had not greatly
exceeded a thousand, was limited among the people, and that they had encountered a number of problems and
persecution by the authorities. In the places where they had the most contact with the people, i.e. in the everyday
efforts for concrete (syndicalist) goals, the room for propagating the »abstract« goals of the revolution was quite
narrowed.
78
simultaneously signifies the beginning of the revolution and consequently the realization
of the myth of socialism. In the mottos of the Liberation Struggle the revolutionary
elements were hence exceedingly emphasized (e.g. that the SU is the leading and chief
support in the liberation struggle of the Slovene nation and of all oppressed nations, a
model of the equal symbiosis between nations; that liberation is possible only on the
ruins of imperialism; that without a fight against its own treacherous capitalist upper
classes the oppressed nation cannot be liberated; that the brotherhood and peace between
nations must be a result of an anti-imperialist struggle which will tear down
imperialism). Later, in the basic points of the LF, the revolutionary goals were more
blurred, and the national liberation goals were placed in the foreground. The texts were
rather vague also in the predictions of a post-war regime – they mostly spoke of a
people's authority, and did not predict an introduction of socialism of the Soviet model,
and this despite everyday propaganda of a socially just society (which is also to have no
taxes, etc.) and the frequent quoting of Soviet examples. The revolutionary (partisan)
side saw the fact that the western countries had become allies with the SU as great relief.
The anti-communist camp built its anti-myth on the thesis that the National Liberation
Struggle was merely a cover for the execution of a revolution of the Soviet model and
that, should the LF win, the Slovenes will encounter revolutionary violence, confiscation
of property, collectivism, and joint cooperatives. The authenticity of such beliefs
(persuasions) was being eliminated by the collaboration.
With the victory of the partisan side began the building of socialism of the Soviet model,
at first in the form of a people's democracy. After the takeover of political authority and
the execution of revolutionary measures (agrarian reform, nationalization) the entire
social structure became equal to the Soviet one. This happened rather quickly, in the
span of a few years, since the Yugoslav party was the strongest of all East European
ones and »leaned the most towards a Soviet socially political pattern«.
82
The Soviet
system was openly glorified, propagated and set as an example (the SU as the homeland
of socialism), the myth for a few years changed into reality, but that was far from the
expectations. After the initial enthusiasm, the belief in a better future, and great physical
82
Leonid Gibianskij, Sovjetska zveza in Jugoslavija leta 1945, in: Aleš Gabrič (ed.), Slovenija v letu 1945:
zbornik referatov, Ljubljana 1966, p. 54.
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