Stadens sopor indd
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256 appendix Tabell 13. Samtliga köpare av skräpsopor år 1907. Sopslag Omfattning Köpare Papper 3 153 balar Nyqvarns pappersbruk Papper 119 balar Örebro pappersbruk Lump 773 balar Fiskeby pappersbruk Lump, specificerad (mest tågvirke) 1 409 kg + tomsäckar Ellrör Metallskrot 9 köp Ferro Metallskrot 3 vagnslaster Lagergren Ben 7 387 kg Destruktionsanstalten Plankskrot 1 köp Bröderna Edstrand Tomsäckar 775 st. AB Nitramon Källa: SSA/557 D, Lövstas arkiv, liggare över leverans och försäljning, D IV e, 1907–1912. Tabell 14. Samtliga köpare av skräpsopor år 1911. Sopslag Omfattning Köpare Papper 3 093 balar Marsmann (Tyskland) Papper 288 balar Nykvarns pappersbruk Papper 2 balar Hr Meyer (Tyskland) Lump 214 balar Fiskeby pappersbruk Lump 1 bal L. M. Efikseen Metallskrot 11 köp Andersén och Pohl Metallskrot 1 köp Bröderna Edstrand Ben 1 köp Ossator Mjölkflaskor 178 st. Mjölkbolaget Andumbla Skor 1 köp Hr Meyer (Tyskland) Skor 1 köp Ossator Cementtrummor 165 st. Rörstrands AB Gammal ställning 1 st. Th. Printz Källa: SSA/557 D, Lövstas arkiv, liggare över leverans och försäljning, D IV e, 1907–1912. 257 Summary This thesis deals with perceptions of refuse as an asset or as a lia- bility and the questions of waste management practices, especially disposal. The aim has been to gain new insights into Stockholm’s waste management in the period 1900–1975 by studying change and continuity in municipal practices and the notions that gover- ned the municipal actors’ actions. The central questions are what factors determined the city’s waste management, and how an urban and local (environmental) problem was formulated and addressed by the local authorities and political bodies. In answering, I have applied a theory of inertia in large technical–administrative sys- tems and an analytical framework based on the concept of waste management regimes. The focus of the analysis is the course of events which saw local councillors, civil servants, and experts discuss and act to manage the Stockholm’s refuse. Until 1972, it was open to property owners and business proprietors to buy waste management services from providers other than local authority, provided they followed the relevant regulations for how the waste was to be handled. It is likely, however, that most domestic refuse collection services were provided by the local authority. When it came to industrial waste, however, the scope and nature of the management regime is not as well known, but it was certainly not municipalized in the period 1900–1975. The thesis therefore builds on source material in the form of texts and statistics from Stockholm City Council and the local authority departments that handled refuse collection and disposal. The source material has been examined in a longitudinal study, which makes it possible to trace both significant and minor changes in both practice and theory. In addressing change and continuity in waste management regimes, I have applied the concept of inertia. I have used the 258 summary Hungarian-American sociologist Zsuzsa Gille’s concept of waste management regimes, which in turn was inspired by the concept of regimes as formulated by Oran R. Young. I have also borne in mind the scope of Gille’s work, although my use of the term waste management regime applies only on the municipal level as opposed to Gille’s national level. I hold the term to embody both concepts and praxis, but while Gille looks at the materiality of the refuse by considering its quantity and composition, I hold that its materia- lity was a factor that impacted on disposal practices and notions of refuse and disposal. I would argue that any waste management regime will be slow to change. The inertia stems both from the existing organization and technology and from the associated ideas and modes of thought. A waste management regime changes when the standard methods of disposal encounter difficulties that require different measures to be taken. It might be something that can reasonably be solved within the established regime, or that poses such a challenge that no immediate solution presents itself, or indeed that questions the management regime’s very existence. The influencing factors or challenges can be of various types and come from various quarters. They can concern ideas or material changes, or both, and they are as likely to be specific as general in character. The system tends to want to overcome challenges within the existing management regime, but if the problems are too large, too numerous, or too difficult to manage, a regime change takes place. Just as various factors can pose a challenge to a management regime in such a way as it changes, so they can also contribute to the same regime’s stability and inertia. In the period 1900–1975, Stockholm’s resource recovery regime was replaced by an incineration regime. I explain this by viewing waste disposal and perceptions of refuse in the context of the waste’s quantity and composition, the factors affecting waste disposal, and the social climate. Yüklə 3,55 Kb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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