Synonyms of the New Testament



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§ xxxvi. pe.
IN both these words the sense of poverty, and of poverty

in this world's goods, is involved; and they continually

occur together in the Septuagint, in the Psalms especially,

with no rigid demarcation of their meanings (as at Ps.

xxxix. 18; lxxiii. 22; lxxxi. 4; cf. Ezek. xviii. 12; xxii.

29); very much as our "poor and needy;" and whatever

distinction may exist in the Hebrew between NOyb;x, and ynifA,

the Alexandrian translators have either considered it not

reproducible by the help of these words, or have not cared

to reproduce it; for they have no fixed rule, translating

the one and the other by ptwxo and pe alike. Still

there are passages which show that they were perfectly

aware of a distinction between them, and would, where

they thought good, maintain it; occasions upon which

they employ pe (as Deut. xxiv. 16, 17; 2 Sam. xii. 1,

3, 4), and where ptwxowould have been manifestly unfit.



Pe occurs but once in the N. T., and on that one

occasion in a quotation from the Old (2 Cor. ix. 9), while



ptwxo between thirty and forty times. Derived from

pe, and connected with po, and the Latin

‘penuria,’ it properly signifies one so poor that he earns

his daily bread by his labour; Hesychius calls him well

au]todia, one who by his own hands ministers to his

own necessities. The word does not indicate extreme want,

or that which verges upon it, any more than the ‘pauper’

and ‘paupertas’ of the Latin; but only the ‘res angusta’

of one to whom plou would be an inappropriate epithet.

What was the popular definition of a pe we learn from

Xenophon (Mem. iv. 2. 37): tou>j me>n oi#moi mh> i[kana> e@xontaj

ei]j a{ dei? telei?n, pej de> plei.

It was an epithet commonly applied to Socrates, and peni

he claims more than once for himself (Plato, Apol. 23 c;

31 c). What his peni was we know (Xenophon, OEcon.

§ XXXVI. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 129
2. 3), namely, that all which he had, if sold, would not

bring five Attic minae. So, too, the Pene in Thessaly

(if, indeed, the derivation of the name from pe, is to

stand), were a subject population, but not reduced to abject

want; on the contrary, retaining partial rights as serfs or

cultivators of the soil.

But while the pe is ‘pauper,’ the ptwxo is ‘men-

dicus;' he is the ‘beggar,’ and lives not by his own labour

or industry, but on other men's alms (Luke xvi. 20, 2 I) ;

being one therefore whom Plato would not endure in his

ideal State (Legg. xi. 936 c). If indeed we fall back on

etymologies, prosai (which ought to find place in the

text at John ix. 8), or e]pai, would be the more exactly

equivalent to our ‘beggar;’ while ptwxo is generally

taken for one who in the sense of his abjectness and

needs crouches (a]po> tou? ptw) in the presence of his

superiors; though it may be safest to add here the words

of Pott (Etym. Forsch. vol. iii. p. 933), ‘falls dieser wirklich

nach scheum unterwurfigem Wesen benannt worden, and

nicht als petax.’ The derivation of the word, as though

he were one who had fallen from a better estate (e]kpeptw-

kw>j e]k tw?n o@ntwn: see Herodotus, iii. 14), is merely fanci-

ful: see Didymus, in Ps. xii. 5, in Mai's Nov. Pat. Bibl.

vol. vii. part ii. p. 165.

The words then are clearly distinct. A far deeper depth

of destitution is implied in ptwxei than in peni, to keep

which in mind will add vividness to the contrasts drawn

by St. Paul, 2 Cor. vi. 10; viii. 9. The pe may be so

poor that he earns his bread by daily labour; but the



ptwxo is so poor that he only obtains his living by

begging. There is an evident climax intended by Plato,

when he speaks of tyrannies (Rep. x. 618 a), ei]j peni

kai> fuga>j kai> ei]j ptwxei. The pe has

nothing superfluous, the ptwxo nothing at all (see Doder-

lein, Lat. Synon. vol. iii. p. 117). Tertullian long ago

noted the distinction (Adv. Marc. iv. 14), for, dealing with

130 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XXXVII.
Our Lord's words, maka (Luke vi. 20), he

changes the ‘Beati pauperes,’ which still retains its place

in the Vulgate, into ‘Beati mendici,’ and justifies the

change, ‘Sic enim exigit interpretatio vocabuli quod in

Graeco est;’ and in another place (De Idol. 12) he renders

it by ‘egeni.’ The two, peni (= ‘paupertas,’ cf. Martial,

ii. 32: ‘Non est paupertas, Nestor, habere nihil’) and ptw-

xei (=’egestas’), may be sisters, as one in Aristophanes

will have them (Plut. 549); but if such, yet the latter far

barer of the world's good than the former; and indeed

Peni in that passage seems inclined wholly to disallow

any such near relationship at all. The words of Aris-

tophanes, in which he discriminates between them, have

been often quoted



ptwxou? me>n ga>r bi len e@xonta:

tou? de> pe toi?j e@rgoij prose

perigin, mh> me§ xxxvii. qumo


qumo and o]rgh< are found several times together in the

N. T. (as at Rom. ii. 8; Ephes. iv. 31; Col. iii. 8; Rev.

xix. 15); often also in the Septuagint (Ps. lxxvii. 49;

Dan. iii. 13; Mic. v. 15), and often also in other Greek

(Plato, Philebus, 47 e; Polybius, vi. 56. II; Josephus,

xx. 5. 3; Plutarch, De Coh. Ira, 2; Lucian, De Cal.

23); nor are they found only in the connexion of juxta-

position, but one made dependent on the other; thus



qumo>j th?j o]rgh?j (Rev. xvi. 19; cf. Job iii. 17; Josh. vii.

26); while o]rgh> qumou?, not occurring in the N. T., is fre-

quent in the Old (2 Chron. xxix. 10; Lam. i. 12; Isai.

xxx. 27; Hos. xi. 9). On one occasion in the Septuagint

all the words of this group occur together (Jer. xxi. 5).

When these words, after a considerable anterior his-

tory, came to settle down on the passion of anger, as the

strongest of all passions, impulses, and desires (see Donald-

§ XXXVII. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 131
son, New Cratylus, 3rd ed. pp. 675-679; and Thompson,

Phaedras of Plato, p. 165), the distinguishing of them occu-

pied not a little the grammarians and philologers. These

felt, and rightly, that the existence of a multitude of

passages in which the two were indifferently used (as

Plato, Legg. ix. 867), made nothing against the fact of

such a distinction; for, in seeking to discriminate between

them, they assumed nothing more than that these could

not be indifferently used on every occasion. The general

result at which they arrived is this, that in qumo, con-

nected with the intransitive qu, and derived, according

to Plato (Crat. 419e), a]po> th?j qu ze

‘quasi exhalatio vehementior’ (Tittmann), compare the

Latin ‘fumus,’ is more of the turbulent commotion, the

boiling agitation of the feelings,1 me, St. Basil

calls it, either presently to subside and disappear,—like the

Latin ‘excandescentia,’ which Cicero defines (Tusc. iv. 9),

‘ira nascens et modo desistens’—or else to settle down

into o]rgh<, wherein is more of an abiding and settled habit

of mind (‘ira inveterata’) with the purpose of revenge;

‘cupiditas doloris reponendi’ (Seneca, De Ira, 5); o]rmh>



yuxh?j, e]n mele tou? parocu (Basil,

Reg. Brev. Tract. 68);2 the German ‘Zorn,’ ‘der activ sich

gegen Jemand oder etwas richtende Unwille, die Opposition

des unwillig erregten Gemuthes’ (Cremer). Thus Plato

(Euthyph. 7) joins e]xqra<, and Plutarch dusme (Pericles,

39), with o]rgh<. Compare Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1851, p.

99, sqq•
1 It is commonly translated ‘furor’ in the Vulgate. Augustine (Enarr.



in Ps. lxxxvii. 8) is dissatisfied,with the application of this word to God,

‘furor' being commonly attributed to those out of a sound mind, and pro-

poses ‘indignatio’ in its room. For another distinction, ascribing ‘ira’

and ‘furor’ alike to God, see Bernard, Serm. in Cant. 69, § 3; a remark-

able passage.

2 In a]gana St. Basil finds the furthur thought that this eager-

ness to punish has the amendment of the offender for its scope. Certainly

the one passage in the N. T. where a]gana occurs (2 Cor. vii. 11)

does not refuse this meaning.

132 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XXXVII.
This, the more passionate, and at the same time more

temporary, character of qumo (qumoi<, according to Jeremy

Taylor, are ‘great but transient angers;’1 cf. Luke iv. 28;

Dan. iii. 19) may explain a distinction of Xenophon, namely

that qumo in a horse is what o]rgh< is in a man (De Re

Eques. ix. 2; cf. Wisd. vii. 20, qumoi> qhri: Plutarch,

Gryll. 4, in fine; and Pyrrh. 16, pneuj kai>

qumou?, full of animosity and rage). Thus the Stoics, who

dealt much in definitions and distinctions, defined qumo

as o]rgh> a]rxome (Diogenes Laertius, vii. I. 63. 114);

and Ammonius: qumo>j me de>



poluxro. Aristotle, too, in his wonderful

comparison of old age and youth, thus characterizes the

angers of old men (Rhet. ii. II): kai> oi[ qumoi>, o]cei?j me

ei]sin, a]sqenei?j de<--like fire in straw, quickly blazing up,

and as quickly extinguished (cf. Euripides, Androm. 728,

729). Origen (in Ps. ii. 5, Opp. vol. ii. p. 541) has a

discussion on the words, and arrives at the same re-

sults: diafe qumo>j o]rgh?j, t&? qumo>n me>n ei#nai o]rgh>n

a]naqumiwme e@ti e]kkaiomen de> o@recin a]nti-

timwrh: cf. in Ep. ad Rom. ii. 8, which only exists in

the Latin: ‘ut si, verbi gratia, vulnus aliquod pessimum



iram ponamus, hujus autem tumor et distentio indignatio

vulneris appelletur:’ so too Jerome (in Ephes. iv. 31):

‘Furor [qumo] incipiens ira est, et fervescens in animo

indignatio. Ira [o]rgh<] autem est, quae furore extincto

desiderat ultionem, et eum quem nocuisse putat vult laedere.’

This agrees with the Stoic definition of o]rgh<, that it is.



timwri(Diogenes Laertius, vii. 113). So Gregory Nazianzene

(Carm. 34. 43, 44)
1 Hampole in his great poem, The Pricke of Conscience, does not

agree. In his vigorous, but most unlovely picture of an old man, this is.

one trait:—

‘He es lyghtly wrath, and waxes fraward,

Bot to turne hym fra wrethe, it es hard.'

§ XXXVII. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 133


qumo>j me

o]rgh> de> qumo>j e]mme.
And so too Theodoret, in Ps. lxviii. 25 (lxix. 24, E. V.),

where the words occur together: dia> tou? qumou? to> taxu>



dedh de> th?j o]rgh?j to> e]pi. Josephus in like

manner (B.J. ii. 8. 6) describes the Essenes as o]rgh?j tami



di. Dion Cassius in like manner

notes as one of the characteristic traits of Tiberius, w]rgi



e]n oi$j h!kista e]qumou?to (Vita Tib.).

Mh?nij (Isai. xvi. 6; Ecclus. xxviii. 4; ‘ira perdurans,’

Datum's Lex. Hom.) and ko, being successively ‘ira

inveterata' and ‘ira inveteratissima’ (John of Damascus,

De Fid. Orthod. II. 16), nowhere occur in the N. T.

Parorgismo, a word not found in classical Greek, but

several times in the Septuagint (as at I Kin. xv. 30; 2 Kin.

xix. 3), is not=o]rgh<, though we have translated it ‘wrath.’

This it cannot be; for the parorgismo (Ephes. iv. 26,

where only in the N. T. the word occurs; but parorgi,

Rom. x. 19; Ephes. vi. 4), is absolutely forbidden; the

sun shall not go down upon it; whereas under certain

conditions o]rgh<; is a righteous passion to entertain. The

Scripture has nothing in common with the Stoics' ab-

solute condemnation of anger. It inculcates no a]pa,

but only a metriopa, a moderation, not an absolute

suppression, of the passions, which were given to man as

winds to fill the sails of his soul, as Plutarch excellently

puts it (De Virt. Mor. 12). It takes no such loveless view

of other men's sins as his who said, seauto>n mh> ta

a[marta (Marcus Antoninus, iv. 46).

But even as Aristotle, in agreement with all deeper ethical

writers of antiquity (thus see Plato, Legg. v. 731 b:

qumoeidh> me>n xrh> pa; Thompson's

Phaedrus of Plato, p. 166; and Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. iv. 19),

had affirmed that, when guided by reason, anger is a

right affection, so the Scripture permits, and not only

permits, but on fit occasions demands, it. This all the

134 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XXXVII.
profounder teachers of the Church have allowed; thus

Gregory of Nyssa a]gaqo>n kth?noj, o!tan tou?



logismou? u[pozu: and Augustine (De Civ. Dei,

ix. 5): 'In discipline nostra non tam quaeritur utrum pius

animus irascatur, sed quare irascatur.’ There is a "wrath

of God" (Matt. iii. 7; Rom. xii. 19, and often), who would

not love good, unless He hated evil, the two being so,

inseparable, that either He must do both or neither;1 a

wrath also of the merciful Son of Man (Mark iii. 5); and

a wrath which righteous men not merely may, but, as

they are righteous, must feel; nor can there be a surer

and sadder token of an utterly prostrate moral condition

than the not being able to be angry with sin—and sin-

ners. ‘Anger,’ says Fuller (Holy State, iii. 8), ‘is one of

the sinews of the soul; he that wants it hath a maimed

mind, and with Jacob sinew-shrunk in the hollow of his

thigh, must needs halt. Nor is it good to converse with

such as cannot be angry.’ ‘The affections,’ as another

English divine has said, ‘are not, like poisonous plants,

to be eradicated; but as wild, to be cultivated.’ St. Paul

is not therefore, as so many understand him, condescend-

ing here to human infirmity, and saying, ‘Your anger

shall not be imputed to you as a sin, if you put it away

before nightfall' (see Suicer, Thes. s. v. o]rgh<); but rather,

‘Be ye angry, yet in this anger of yours suffer no sinful

element to mingle; there is that which may cleave even

to a righteous anger, the parorgismo, the irritation, the

exasperation, the embitterment (‘exacerbatio’), which

must be dismissed at once; that so, being defecated of this

impurer element which mingled with it, that only may

remain which has a right to remain.'
1 See on this anger of God, as the necessary complement of his love,

the excellent words of Lactantius (De Ira Dei, c. 4): ‘Nam si Deus non

irascitur impiis et injustis, nec pios utique justosque diligit. In rebus

enim diversis aut in utramque partem moveri necesse est, aut in nullam.’

§ XXXVIII. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 135
§ xxxviii. e@laion, mu).
SOME have denied that the 0. T. knows of any distinction

between ‘oil’ and 'ointment;' and this on the very in-

sufficient grounds that the Septuagint renders Nm,w, some-

times by mu (Prov. xxvii. 9; Cant. i. 3; Isai. xxxix. 2;

Am. vi. 6); though more frequently, indeed times out of

number, by e@laion. But how often in a single word of one

language are latent two of another; especially when that

other abounds, as does Greek compared with Hebrew, in

finer distinctions, in a more subtle notation of meanings;

paroimi and parabolh< furnish a well-known example of

this, both lying in the Hebrew lwAmA and this duplicity

of meaning it is the part of a well-skilled translator to

evoke. Nay the thing itself, the mu ‘unguentum’),

so naturally grew out of the e@laion (=’oleum’), having

oil for its base, with only the addition of spice or scent

or other aromatic ingredients,—Clement of Alexandria

(Paedag. ii. 8) calls it ‘adulterated oil’ (dedolwme



e@laion'),—that it would be long in any language before

the necessity of differencing names would be felt. Thus

in the Greek itself mu first appears in the writings of

Archilochus (Athenaeus, xv. 37). Doubtless there were

ointments in Homer's time; he is satisfied, however, with

‘sweet-smelling oil’ (eu]w?dej e@laion, Od. ii. 339), ‘roseate

oil’ (r[odo, xxiii. 186), wherewith to express

them.


In later times there was a clear distinction between the

two, and one which uttered itself in language. A passage

in Xenophon (Conv. ii. 3, 4) turns altogether on the greater

suitableness of e@laion for men, of mu for women; these

last consequently being better pleased that the men should
1 Compare what Plutarch says of Lycurgus (Apopli. Lac. 16): to> me>n

mun kai> o@leqron. Compare too Virgil

(Georg. ii. 466): ‘Nec casia liquidi corrumpitur usus olivi.’

136 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XXXVIII.
savour of the manly ‘oil’ than of the effeminate ‘oint-

ment’ (e]lai tou? e]n gumnasi kai> parou?sa h[di



h} mu a]pou?sa poqeinote). And on any

other supposition our Lord's rebuke to the discourteous

Pharisee, "My head with oil thou didst not anoint, but

this woman hath anointed my feet with ointment" (Luke

vii. 46), would lose all, or nearly all, its point. ‘Thou

withheldest from Me,’ He would say, ‘cheap and ordinary

courtesies; while she bestowed upon Me costly and rare

homages;’ where Grotius remarks well: Est enim per-

petua a]ntistoixi. Mulier illa lacrimas impendit pedibus

Christi proluendis: Simon ne aquam quidem. Illa assidua

est in pedibus Christi osculandis: Simon ne uno quidem

oris osculo Christum accepit. Illa pretioso unguento non

caput tantum sed et pedes perfundit: ille ne caput quidem

mero oleo: quod perfunctoriae amicitiae fuerat.’


Some have drawn a distinction between the verbs

a]lei and xri, which, as they make it depend on this

between mu and e@laion, may deserve to be mentioned

here. The a]lei, they say, is commonly the luxurious,

or at any rate the superfluous, anointing with ointment,



xri the sanitary anointing with oil. Thus Casaubon

(Anim. in Atheneum, xv. 39): [a]lei, proprium volup-

tuariorum et mollium: xri etiam sobriis interdum,

et ex virtute viventibus convenit:' and Valcknaer: [a]lei<-



fesqai dicebantur potissimum homines voluptatibus dedidi,

qui pretiosis unguentis caput et manus illinebant; xri

de hominibus ponebatur oleo corpus, sanitatis caussa, in-

unguentibus.' No traces of such a distinction appear in

the N. T.; thus compare Mark vi. 13; Jam. v. 14, with

Mark xvi. 1; John xi. 2; nor yet of that of Salmasius

(Exere. p. 330): ‘Spissiora linunt, xri: liquida per-

fundunt, a]lei.’

A distinction is maintained there, but different from

both of these; namely, that a]lei is the mundane and

§ XXXIX. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 137


profane, xri the sacred and religious, word. ]Alei

is used indiscriminately of all actual anointings, whether

with oil or ointment; while xri, no doubt in its con-

nexion with xristo, is absolutely restricted to the anoint-

ing of the Son, by the Father, with the Holy Ghost, for

the accomplishment of his great office, being wholly sepa-

rated from all profane and common uses: thus see Luke

iv. 18; Acts iv. 27; x. 38; 2 Cor. i. 21; Heb. i. 9; the

only places where it occurs. The same holds good in the

Septuagint, where xri (cf. 1 John ii. 20, 27),

and xri, are the constant and ever-recurring words for

all religious and symbolical anointings; a]lei hardly

occurring in this sense, not oftener, I believe, than twice

in all (Exod. xl. 13; Num. iii. 3).


§ xxxix. [Ebrai?oj, ]Ioudai?oj, ]Israhli.
ALL these names are used to designate members of the

elect family and chosen race; but they are very capable,

as they are very well worthy, of being discriminated.

[Ebrai?oj claims to be first considered. It brings us

back to a period earlier than any when one, and very

much earlier than any when the other, of the titles we

compare with it, were, or could have been, in existence

(Josephus, Antt. i. 6. 4). It is best derived from rb,fe,

the same word as u[pe, 'super;'—this title containing

allusion to the passing over of Abraham from the other

side of Euphrates; who was, therefore, in the language

of the Phoenician tribes among whom he came, ‘Abram

the Hebrew,’ or o[ pera, as it is well given in the

Septuagint (Gen. xiv. 13), being from beyond (pe) the

river: thus rightly Origen (in Matt. tom. xi. 5): [Ebrai?oi,

oi!tinej e[rmhneu. The name, as thus ex-

plained, is not one by which the chosen people know

themselves, but by which others know them; not one

which they have taken, but which others have imposed

138 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XXXIX.
on them; and we find the use of ‘Ebrai?oj through all

the 0. T. entirely consistent with this explanation or

its origin. In every case it is either a title by which

foreigners designate the chosen race (Gen. xxxix. 14, 17;

xli. 12 ; Exod. i. 16, 19; I Sam. iv. 6; xiii. 19; xxix. 3;

Judith xii. 11); or by which they designate themselves

to foreigners (Gen. xl. 15; Exod. 7; iii. 18; v. 3; ix. I;

Jon. i. 9); or by which they speak of themselves in tacit

opposition to other nations (Gen. xliii. 32; Deut. xv. 12;

I Sam. xiii. 3; Jer. xxxiv. 9, 14); never, that is, without

such national antagonism, either latent or expressed.

When, however, the name ]Ioudai?oj arose, as it did in

the later periods of Jewish history (the precise epoch will

be presently considered), [Ebrai?oj modified its meaning..

Nothing is more frequent with words than to retire into

narrower limits, occupying a part only of some domain

whereof once they occupied the whole; when, through

the coming up of some new term, they are no longer

needed in all their former extent; and when at the same

time, through the unfolding of some new relation, they may

profitably lend themselves to the expressing of this new.

It was exactly thus with [Ebrai?oj. In the N. T., that

point of view external to the nation, which it once always

implied, exists no longer; neither is every member of the

chosen family an [Ebrai?oj now, but only those who,

whether dwelling in Palestine or elsewhere, have retained

the sacred Hebrew tongue as their native language; the

true complement and antithesis to [Ebrai?oj being [Ellh-



nisth, a word first appearing in the N. T. (see Salmasius,

De Hellenistica, 1643, p. 12), and there employed to

designate a Jew of the Dispersion who has unlearned his

proper language, and now speaks Greek, and reads or

hears read in the synagogue the Scriptures in the Septu-

agint Version.

This distinction first appears in Acts vi. 1, and is pro-

bably intended in the two other passages, where [Ebrai?oj

§ XXXIX. SYNONYMS OF THE NETV TESTAMENT. 139


occurs (2 Cor. xi. 22; Phil. iii. 5); as well as in the super-

scription, on whosesoever authority it rests, of the Epistle

to the Hebrews. It is important to keep in mind that

in language, not in place of habitation, lay the point of

difference between the ‘Hebrew’ and the ‘Hellenist.’

He was a ‘Hebrew,’ wherever domiciled, who retained the

use of the language of his fathers. Thus St. Paul, though

settled in Tarsus, a Greek city in Asia Minor, describes

himself as a ‘Hebrew,’ and of ‘Hebrew’ parents, "

Hebrew of Hebrews" (Phil. iii. 5; cf. Acts xxiii. 6);

though it is certainly possible that by all this he may

mean no more than in a general way to set an empha-

sis on his Judaism. Doubtless, the greater number of

‘Hebrews’ were resident in Palestine; yet not this fact,

but the language they spoke, constituted them such.

It will be well however to keep in mind that this dis-

tinction and opposition of [Ebrai?oj to [Ellhnisth, as a

distinction within the nation, and not between it and

other nations (which is clear at Acts vi. 1, and probably

is intended at Phil. iii. 5; 2 Cor. xi. 22), is exclusively

a Scriptural one, being hardly recognized by later Chris-

tian writers, not at all by Jewish and heathen. Thus

Eusebius can speak of Philo, an Alexandrian Jew, who

only once in his life visited Jerusalem, for so much I think

we may gather from his own words (vol. ii. p. 646,

Mangey's Ed.), and who wrote exclusively in Greek (Hist.



Eccl. ii. 4): to> me>n ou#n ge: cf. iv. 16;

Praep. Evang. vii. 13. 21; while Clement of Alexandria,

as quoted by Eusebius (H. E. vi. 14), makes continually

the antithesis to [Ebrai?oi, not [Ellhnistai<, but !Ellhnej

and e@qnh. Theodoret (Opp. vol. ii. p. 1246) styles the

Greek-writing historian, Josephus, suggrafreu>j [Ebrai?oj:

Origen, Ep. ad Afric. 5. Neither in Josephus himself,

nor yet in Philo, do any traces of the N. T. distinction

between [Ebrai?oj and [Ellhnisth exist; in heathen writers

as little (Plutarch, Symp. iv. 6; Pausanias, v. 7. 3; x. 12.

140 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XXXIX.


5). Only this much of it is recognized, that [Ebrai?oj,

though otherwise a much rarer word than ]Ioudai?oj, is

always employed when it is intended to designate the

people on the side of their language. This rule Jewish,

heathen, and Christian writers alike observe, and we speak

to the present day of the Jewish nation, but of the Hebrew

tongue.

This name ]Ioudai?oj is of much later origin. It does



not carry us back to the very birth and cradle of the

chosen people, to the day when the Father of the faithful

passed over the river, and entered on the land of in-

heritance; but keeps rather a lasting record of the period

of national disruption and decline. It arose, and could

only have arisen, with the separation of the tribes into

the two rival kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Then, in-

asmuch as the ten trbes, though with worst right (see

Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. iii. part i. p. 138),

assumed Israel as a title to themselves, the two drew their

designation from the more important of them, and of

Judah came the name MydiUhyi or ]Ioudai?oi. Josephus, so

far as I have observed, never employs it in telling the

earlier history of his people; but for the first time in

reference to Daniel and his young companions (Antt. x.

10. 1). Here, however, by anticipation; that is if his own

account of the upcoming of the name is correct; namely,

that it first arose after the return from Babylon, and out

of the fact that the earliest colony of those who returned

was of that tribe (Antt. xi. 5. 7): e]klh to> o@noma



e]c h$j h[me th?j ]Iou

h$j prwj to


h[ xw. But in this

Josephus is clearly in error. We meet ]Ioudai?oi, or rather

its Hebrew equivalent, in books of the sacred canon com-

posed anterior to, or during, the Captivity, as a designa-

tion of those who pertained to the smaller section of the

tribes, to the kingdom of Judah (2 Kin. xvi. 6; Jer. xxxii.

§ XXXIX. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 141
12; xxxiv. 9; xxxviii. 19); and not first in Ezra, Nehe-

miah, and Esther; however in these, and especially in

Esther, it may be of far more frequent occurrence.

It is easy to see how the name extended to the whole

nation. When the ten tribes were carried into Assyria,

and were absorbed and lost among the nations, that

smaller section of the people which remained henceforth

represented the whole; and thus it was only natural that



]Ioudai?oj should express, as it now came to do, not one of

the kingdom of Judah as distinguished from that of Israel,

but any member of the nation, a ‘Jew’ in this wider

sense, as opposed to a Gentile. In fact, the word under-

went a process exactly the converse of that which [Ebrai?oj

had undergone. For [Ebrai?oj, belonging first to the

whole nation, came afterwards to belong to a part only;

while ]Ioudai?oj, designating at first only the member of

a part, ended by designating the whole. It now, in its

later, like [Ebrai?oj in its earlier, stage of meaning, was a

title by which the descendant of Abraham called himself,

when he would bring out the national distinction between

himself and other peoples (Rom. ii. 9, 10); thus ‘Jew

and Gentile;’ never ‘Israelite and Gentile:’ or which

others used about him, when they had in view this same

fact; thus the Eastern Wise Men inquire, "Where is He

that is born King of the Jews" (Matt. ii. 2)? testifying

by the form of this question that they were themselves

Gentiles, for they would certainly have asked for the

King of Israel, had they meant to claim any nearer share

in Him. So, too, the Roman soldiers and the Roman

governor give to Jesus the mocking title, "King of the



Jews" (Matt. xxvii. 29, 37), while his own countrymen,

the high priests, challenge Him to prove by coming

down from the cross that He is "King of Israel" (Matt.

xxvii. 42).

For indeed the absolute name, that which expressed

the whole dignity and glory of a member of the theocratic


142 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTA:TIENT. § XXXIX.
nation, of the people in peculiar covenant with God, was

]Israhli. It rarely occurs in the Septuagint, but is often

used by Josephus in his earlier history, as convertible with



[Ebrai?oj (Antt. 9. I, 2); in the middle period of his his-

tory to designate a member of the ten tribes (viii. 8.

3; ix. 14. 1); and toward the end as equivalent to

]Ioudai?oj (xi. 5. 4). It is only in its relations of likeness

and difference to this last that we have to consider it

here. This name was for the Jew his especial badge and

title of honour. To be descendants of Abraham, this

honour they must share with the Ishmaelites (Gen. xvi.

15); of Abraham and Isaac with the Edomites (Gen. xxiv.

25); but none except themselves were the seed of Jacob,

such as in this name of Israelite they were declared to be.

Nor was this all, but more gloriously still, their descent

was herein traced up to him, not as he was Jacob, but as

he was Israel, who as a Prince had power with God and

with men, and prevailed (Gen. xxxii. 28). That this title

was accounted the noblest, we have ample proof. Thus,

as we have seen, when the ten tribes threw off their alle-

giance to the house of David, they claimed in their pride

and pretension the name of "the kingdom of Israel" for

the new kingdom which they set up—the kingdom, as

the name was intended to imply, in which the line of the

promises, the true succession of the early patriarchs, ran.

So, too, there is no nobler title with which the Lord can

adorn Nathanael than that of "an Israelite indeed" (John

i. 47), one in whom all which that name involved might

indeed be found. And when St. Peter, and again when

St. Paul, would obtain a hearing from the men of their

own nation, when therefore they address them with the

name most welcome to their ears, a@ndrej ]Israhli?tai (Acts

ii. 22; iii. 12; xiii. 16; cf. Rom. ix. 4; Phil. iii. 5; 2 Cor.

xi. 22) is still the language with which they seek to secure

their good-will.

When, then, we restrict ourselves to the employment

§ XL. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 143
in the N. T. of these three words, and to the distinctions

proper to them there, we may say that Ebrai?oj is a

Hebrew-speaking, as contrasted with a Greek-speaking,

or Hellenizing, Jew (which last in our Version we have

well called a ‘Grecian,’ as differenced from !Ellhn, a veri-

table ‘Greek’ or other Gentile); ]Ioudai?oj is a Jew in his

national distinction from a Gentile; while ]Israhli, the

augustest title of all, is a Jew as he is a member of the

theocracy, and thus an heir of the promises. In the first

is predominantly doted his language; in the second his

nationality ( ]Ioudai*smo, Josephus, De Macc. 4; Gal. i. 13;

]Ioudai~zein, Gal. ii. 14); in the third his theocratic pri-

vileges and glorious vocation.


xl. ai]te.
THESE words are often rendered by our Translators as

though they covered the same spaces of meaning, the one

as the other; nor can we object to their rendering, in

numerous instances, ai]tei?n and e]rwta?n alike by our English

‘to ask.’ Yet sometimes they have a little marred the

perspicuity of their translation by not varying their word,

where the original has shown them the way. For example,

the obliteration at John xvi. 23 of the distinction between



ai]tei?n and e]rwta?n might easily suggest a wrong interpreta-

tion of the verse,—as though its two clauses were in near

connexion, and direct antithesis,—being indeed in none.

In our Version we read: "In that day ye shall ask Me

nothing [e]me> ou]k e]rwth]. Verily, verily, I say

unto you, Whatsoever ye shall ask [o!sa a}n ai]th] the

Father in my name, He will give it you." Now every one

competent to judge is agreed, that "ye shall ask" of the

first half of the verse has nothing to do with "ye shall

ask” of the second; that in the first Christ is referring

back to the h@qelon au]to>n e]rwta?n of ver. 19; to the questions

which the disciples would fain have asked of Him, the

144 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XL.
perplexities which they would gladly have had resolved by

Him, if only they dared to set these before Him. ‘In

that day,’ He would say, in the day of my seeing you

again, I will by the Spirit so teach you all things, that

ye shall be no longer perplexed, no longer wishing to ask

Me questions (cf. John xxi. 12), if only you might venture

to do so.’ Thus Lampe well: ‘Nova est promissio de

plenissima, cognitionis luce, qua, convenienter oeconomiae

Novi Testamenti collustrandi essent. Nam sicut quaestio

supponit inscitiam, ita qui nihil amplius quaerit abunde se

edoctum existimat, et in doctrina plene exposita ac intel-

lects acquiescit.' There is not in this verse a contrast

drawn between asking the Son, which shall cease, and

asking the Father, which shall begin; but the first half of

the verse closes the declaration of one blessing, namely,

that hereafter they shall be so taught by the Spirit as to

have nothing further to inquire; the second half of the

verse begins the declaration of a new blessing, that,

whatever they shall seek from the Father in the Son's

name, He will give it them. Yet none will say that this

is the impression which the English text conveys to his

mind.


The distinction between the words is this. Ai]te, the

Latin ‘peto,’ is more submissive and suppliant, indeed

the constant word for the seeking of the inferior from the

superior (Acts xii. 20); of the beggar from him that

should give alms (Acts iii. 2); of the child from the

parent (Matt. vii. 9; Luke vi. 11; Lam. iv. 4); of the

subject from the ruler (Ezra viii. 22); of man from God

(I Kin. iii. 11; Matt. vii. 7; Jam. i. 5; I John iii. 22;

cf. Plato, Euthyph. 14: eu@xesqai, [e@stin] ai]tei?n tou>j qeou).

]Erwta, on the other hand, is the Latin ‘rogo;’ or some-

times (as John xvi. 23; cf. Gen. xliv. 19) ‘interrogo,’ its

only meaning in classical Greek, where it never signifies

‘to ask,’ but only ‘to interrogate,’ or ‘to inquire.’ Like

§ XL. SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 145
‘rogare,’1 it implies that he who asks stands on a certain

footing of equality with him from whom the boon is asked,

as king with king (Luke xiv. 32), or, if not of equality,

on such a footing of familiarity as lends authority to the

request.

Thus it is very noteworthy, and witnesses for the sin-

gular accuracy in the employment of words, and in the

record of that employment, which prevails throughout the

N. T., that our Lord never uses ai]tei?n or ai]tei?sqai of Him-

self, in respect of that which He seeks on behalf of his

disciples from God; for his is not the petition of the

creature to the Creator, but the request of the Son to the

Father. The consciousness of his equal dignity, of his

potent and prevailing intercession, speaks out in this,

that often as He asks, or declares that He will ask, any-

thing of the Father, it is always e]rwtw?, e]rwth, an ask-

ing, that is, as upon equal terms (John xiv. 16; xvi. 26;

xvii. 9, 15, 20), never ai]teor ai]th. Martha, on the

contrary, plainly reveals her poor unworthy conception

of his person, that she recognizes in Him no more than a

prophet, when she ascribes that ai]tei?sqai to Him, which

He never ascribes to Himself: o!sa a}n ai]thn qeo>n.



dw (John xi. 22): on which verse Bengel

observes: ‘Jesus, de se rogante loquens e]dehdicit (Luc.

xxii. 32), et e]rwth, at nunquam ai]tou?mai. Non Graece

locuta est Martha, sed tamen Johannes exprimit impro-

prium ejus sermonem, quem, Dominus benigne tulit: nam

ai]tei?sqai videtur verbum esse minus dignum: ‘compare

his note on 1 John v. 16.

It will follow that the e]rwta?n, being thus proper for

Christ, inasmuch as it has authority in it, is not proper

for us; and in no single instance is it used in the N. T.

to express the prayer of man to God, of the creature to

the Creator. The only passage seeming to contradict this
1 Thus Cicero (Plane. x. 25): ‘Neque enim ego sic rogabam, ut petere

viderer, quia familiaris esset meus.’

146 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § XLI.
assertion is I John v. 16. The verse is difficult, but which-

ever of the various ways of overcoming its difficulty may

find favour, it will be found to constitute no true exception

to the rule, and perhaps, in the substitution of e]rwth for

the ai]th, of the earlier clause of the verse, will rather

confirm it.


§ xli. a]na
.
OUR VERSION renders both these words by 'rest'; a]na

at Matt. xi. 29; xii. 43; and a@nesij at 2 Cor. ii. 13; vii.

5; 2 Thess. 7. No one can object to this; while yet,

on a closer scrutiny, we perceive that they repose on dif-

ferent images, and contemplate this ‘rest’ from different

points of view. ]Ana


, from a]napau, implies the

pause or cessation from labour (Rev. iv. 8); it is the con-

stant word in the Septuagint for the rest of the Sabbath;

thus Exod. xvi. 23; xxxi. 15; xxxv. 2, and often. @Anesij,

from a]ni


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