4
emotional support for parents’’ (Cheung & Kwan, 2009, p. 180). On the other hand, the government
offered tax incentives to families who look after elderly family members and provided elderly with
tools to demand support from their families. However, this approach seems unrealistic without
adequate support from the government when the family is becoming increasingly less able or less
inclined to take care of their elderly family members. Mehta and Vasoo (2002) examined the
organization of elderly care and confirmed the difficulties women face in providing informal care. They
found that modernization pressures women to an extent that they are unable to provide the quality
of care required. The development of Voluntary Welfare Organizations (VWOs) is subsidized by the
Singaporean government to meet the long-term healthcare needs of the elderly and their families.
However, the lack of synergy between public and private initiatives still prevents the elderly to make
effective use of them (Teo et al., 2003).
Assuming the importance of family in receiving proper care, it seems useful to investigate how
the fast changing economic position of Singaporean women affects the traditional values regarding
elderly care. More specifically, considering the increased labour force participation rates, learning
opportunities for women and how this shapes their economic position, age, education level and
employment status are the starting points of the study. The traditional values, on which the
government so much relies, can be measured with the concept of filial piety. The purpose of this study
is to investigate ‘’to what extent do the age, education level and employment status of Singaporean
women predict the degree of fililal piety in 2010-2014?’’. In support of the main research question, a
few sub-questions will be addressed:
1.
What is the current economic position of Singaporean women?
2.
To what extent is the degree of filial piety different among age groups?
3.
To what extent is the degree of filial piety influenced by education level?
4.
To what extent is the degree of filial piety related to employment status?
The problem will be addressed by using a cross-sectional research design. The main focus of
the theoretical approach will be on Confucian ethics and (post) modernization. The data is collected
from the World Values Survey, wave 2010-2014. An index of items representing the dimensions of filial
piety will be composed to measure filial piety as a dependent variable in the study. Age, education
level and employment status can be measured using the same dataset. The findings will show how the
economic position of women relates to issues of family-based care in the (post)modern, aging society
of Singapore.
5
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The Singaporean economy has grown at high speed and paved the way for modern times.
Modern perceptions of gender balance led to adjustments in the everyday family life of Singaporeans.
Women are working more and are building on their economic position. Now the commitment to filial
piety, and Confucian principles more generally, seem to be affected. Filial piety, Confucian ethics,
modernization and the economic position of Singaporean women are the four key aspects of the
present study. Each aspect will be addressed hereafter in a Singaporean context to investigate how
they interact with and influence each other in contemporary Singapore.
Filial piety
The concept filial piety derives from the Chinese expression Xiào (孝), meaning the eternal
obligation of filial duty of children to their parents. Of all virtues in Confucianism, filial piety is
considered the most important. In its classical form, filial piety ‘’implies deep loyalty, respect and
devotion by children to parents’’ (Ng, Philips, & Lee, 2002, p. 138). Filial piety is generally associated
with forms of filial obligation and responsibility resulting in practices that shape the relationship
between parent and child. More specifically, the behaviour of the child when willingly complying with
these virtues. Expressions of filial piety are composed of six dimensions: Caring for parents, respecting
parents, maintaining contact with parents, obeying parents and pleasing parents (Cheung & Kwan,
2009; Ng, Philips, & Lee, 2002; Liu, Ng, Weatherall, & Loong, 2000). In traditional Confucianism, the
elderly are always at the center of the family. Whether living or dead, the elderly family members
should be honored and cared for by children and grand children at all costs as a sign of respect and
virtue. It is the duty of a child to keep the family honor and to always behave in line with what is
expected. In Asian societies it is normal that parents uphold high expectations regarding the behaviour
and achievements of their children. In turn, children are obliged to live up to these expectations at all
costs. The concept underlying filial piety is reciprocity, entailing the mutual benefits of a caring, loving
relationship between parent and child. In the first half of a child’s live, the parents provide everything
needed to live a happy, full life. In the second half, it is the child obligation to return the favor. ‘’It
manifests the deep moral sentiment of gratitude that one should possess in return for the self-sacrifice
and contribution that the parents have generously made for one’s life and happiness.’’ (Fan, 2007, p.
508). In this respect, reciprocity is an essential part of the commitment to filial piety and thus the
provision of informal care for elderly family members.
The Singaporean government actively promotes traditional Asian values that uphold intentions
of maintaining family-based care as a first resort. The traditional values are intended to guide