Birth of the Liberal Creed [ 155 ]
parties to narrow the market for labor or other commodities. It is
highly significant that in either case consistent liberals from Lloyd
George and Theodore Roosevelt to Thurman Arnold and Walter Lipp-
mann subordinated laissez-faire to the demand for a free competitive
market; they pressed for regulations and restrictions, for penal laws
and compulsion, arguing as any "collectivist" would that the freedom
of contract was being "abused" by trade unions, or corporations,
whichever it was. Theoretically, laissez-faire or freedom of contract
implied the freedom of workers to withhold their labor either individ-
ually or jointly, if they so decided; it implied also the freedom of busi-
nessmen to concert on selling prices irrespective of the wishes of the
consumers. But in practice such freedom conflicted with the institu-
tion of a self-regulating market, and
in such a conflict the self-regulating
market was invariably accorded precedence. In other words, if the needs
of a self-regulating market proved incompatible with the demands of
laissez-faire, the economic liberal turned against laissez-faire and pre-
ferred—as any antiliberal would have done—the so-called collectivist
methods of regulation and restriction. Trade union law as well as anti-
trust legislation sprang from this attitude. No more conclusive proof
could be offered of the inevitability of antiliberal or "collectivist"
methods under the conditions of modern industrial society than the
fact that even economic liberals themselves regularly used such meth-
ods in decisively important fields of industrial organization.
Incidentally, this helps to clarify the true meaning of the term "in-
terventionism" by which economic liberals like to denote the opposite
of their own policy, but merely betray confusion of thought. The op-
posite of interventionism is laissez-faire, and we have just seen that
economic liberalism cannot be identified with laissez-faire (although
in common parlance there is no harm in using them interchangeably).
Strictly, economic liberalism is the organizing principle of a society in
which industry is based on the institution of a self-regulating market.
True, once such a system is approximately achieved, less intervention
of one type is needed. However, this is far from saying that market sys-
tem and intervention are mutually exclusive terms. For as long as that
system is not established, economic liberals must and will unhesitat-
ingly call for the intervention of the state in order to establish it, and
once established, in order to maintain it. The economic liberal can,
therefore, without any inconsistency call upon the state to use the
force of law; he can even appeal to the violent forces of civil war to set