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Turkmen, Karapapakhs, Kurds and Lezgins; from assimilation of local population to
Islam; or, more plausibly, from both these trends (Swerdlow 2007, p. 3), nowadays
their descendants adopt a resolutely inclusive interpretation of national identity: it
assumes Muslim faith to be perfectly compatible with being a Georgian today, and
it doesn't posit a historical discontinuity in the identity of the population of the region
of Meskheti along religious lines.
On the contrary, they often stress their contribution to the history of Georgia
and, as noted in the case of other minorities, e. g., the Kists (Tsulaia 2011, p. 133),
produce discourses infused with patriotism and historical proofs of loyalty.
ORIGINS OF A TRANSNATIONAL MINORITY
According to official figures, 94, 955 persons (Bougai 1996, p. 143) were
deported from the region of Meskhetia (now part of the administrative region of
Samtskhe-Javakheti) by the NKVD [People's Commissariat of Interior Affairs] in
1944. Secret documents issued by the Soviet State Committee of Defense explained
this massive deportation, carried out in few days, as a security measure, aimed at
“improving the situation at the state border of the Georgian SSR”
1
.
The reasons are still debated: the deportees were never accused of
collaborating with the German enemy, but Stalin had been harboring the secret
project of annexing the north of Turkey and the Soviet leadership may have
considered necessary to free the Turkish-Georgian borders of what they perceived
as an “unreliable” population, being Muslim in culture and mostly Turkophone
(Tournon 2009, op. cit., p. 2.).
The decision to enact a mass deportation was taken by the same Soviet state
that had been promoting a process of Turkification of the Muslims inhabiting the
region of Meskheti, thus adopting a policy similar to that of the Ottoman and the
Russian Empires (Beridze, Kobaidze 2005).
In order to understand Soviet deportations, we should
take into consideration
Stalinist nationalities policies and their essentialistic rationale: national communities
were considered to be based on “primordial ethnos” that would survive even after
the eventual demise of classes and of their ideologies (Slezkine 1994, p. 449).
The legacy of Soviet nationality policies seems to be still very relevant to the
lives of the deportees and their descendants, if we consider how their rehabilitation
in Georgia acquired a political-ethnological dimension (Tournon 2007) in the wake
of the adoption of the Law on Repatriation. Perception of their possible return could
also be influenced by the stereotypes inherent in the narratives of the Turkish-
Georgian relations (Chickovani 2012) and by the representation of Islam in the
national narratives.
Writing about the Muslim-Christian frontier in Georgia, Mathjis Pelkmans
describes how, in the 1990s, nationality became tightly connected to Orthodox
Christianity, and being simultaneously Muslim and Georgian became problematic
1
Decree of GOKO No. 6279cc 31 July 1944 [From: Tom Trier
and Andrei Khanzhin, eds.,
The
Meskhetian Turks at a Crossroads: Integration, Repatriation or Resettlement? Berlin: LIT
Verlag, 2007, p. 645. ]
253
(Pelkmans 2010, p. 116).
Especially in the years following the independence of Georgia – anti-
repatriation stances were seen by some Georgian politicians as a means to generate
political popularity, inducing some of those Meskhetians who had resettled in the
country to be forced to leave again (Sumbadze 2007; Trier et al. 2011, p. 31)
The salience of the issue of identity for the deportees
and their descendants is
thus manifest, as it implies – in certain circumnstances – that their right to repatriate
is somehow depended on their “ethnicity”, rather than on geographical origin and on
being victims of the historical wrong of deportation perpetrated by Soviet authorities
(Overland 2007).
Sadly, essentialist discourse on - and perception of – the identity of the
deportees is common across the post-Soviet space not only at the politico-
institutional level, as in the rhetorics of ethno-political entrepreneurs (Swerdlow op.
cit.) but also in the scholarship, that has sometimes “surrendered to the word
identity” (Brubaker and Cooper 2005, p. 59), adopting
categories of social and
political practice and using them instead as
categories of social and political
analysis (ibidem p. 62). Steven Swerdlow holds that the possible orientations of
ethnicity vying support among the Meskhetians often obscure the reality of
individual identity, and that the “paper wars” between academics on the pro-Turkish
and pro-Georgian camps have caused confusion (Swerdlow, op. cit., pp. 11 – 17).
Meskhetians's biographies and collective representations should be regarded,
in my opinion, as an opportunity to pursue an analysis that – as Brubaker suggests –
doesn't adopt the results of a politico-historical process as “indicators of real
groups
or robust
identities” (Brubaker and Cooper 2000, p. 26).
We could better appreciate their vernacular categories and narratives without
seeking to categorize them within an unproblematic ethnic/national “identity”,
taking into account, instead, those everyday practices and experiences that are part
of their life as members of a transnational, diasporic community, what Sophie
Tournon has described as a “nebulosa”, united more by a common geographic origin
and by the experience of deportation than by an
ethnic identity (Tournon 2009, op.
cit., p. 193).
What's more, resorting to simplistic definitions makes us unable to see how
identity could be sustained not only by a more or less shared view of a collective
past, but also by the way we perceive and construct our future and our position in a
space characterized by certain regimes of power, and citizenship. In this perspective,
what we define as “identity” comes to resemble more and more a space of struggle
over the power to define and
to represent ourselves and the other.
Ethnography,
par excellence a discipline engaged in “the business of
representting others” (Abu-Lughod 1991), may indeed offer anti-essentialist
alternatives to mainstream understandings of “identity” and “ethnicity”, especially
when it is informed by a consideration of the relation between power and knowledge.
Irina Levin, for example, draws attentions to the Soviet government's need to
“impose foreignness” on the Meskhetian deportees in order to overcome the
contradiction inherent in the very notion of “deportable citizen”, and points out their