cuius regio, eius religio
. This was
an ironic outcome of a struggle which had started as a struggle for individual
experience of faith, a direct individual relationship with God, and freedom of the
individual conscience. Authoritarian territorial churches, far from confirming the
scriptural basis of religion, rather enshrined the role of political determination of
doctrine. And in breaking the cultural unity of politically fragmented late
mediaeval Germany, it sealed the pattern of territorialisation of German politics.
The Peace of Augsburg left a number of problems unresolved: not only the
question of Calvinism and the sects, but also the question of who determined the
religious confession of cities. There were further problems concerning the
‘ecclesiastical reservation’, which aided the survival of Catholicism by ensuring
that there would be an orthodox successor to any archbishop, bishop or abbot
who personally turned Protestant. Moreover, for all the pragmatism about the
settlement, in the later sixteenth century a zealous Counter-Reformation
Catholicism sought to reconvert Protestants, as we shall see. In the age of
confessionalism, differences between Protestants and Catholics were comparable
(without stretching the comparison too far) to the ideological battle between
western democracy and Soviet communism in the cold war of the late twentieth
century.
It is worth pausing briefly to consider the wider long-term implications of the
Reformation. In it have been sought the roots of many later developments:
modern
capitalism,
science,
individualism,
secularisation
and
the
‘demystification of the world’, and assorted aspects of modern politics. Many
arguments may have overstated their case: an interrelated cluster of changes
were occurring, in a mutually interacting fashion, and to isolate one as a unique
cause is to oversimplify. But some connections are of particular interest.
In a famous essay on
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
(originally published in 1904–5) the German sociologist Max Weber sought to
point up cultural affinities between the this-worldly asceticism of Protestants and
the rational ethos of sober bourgeois capitalism, with its reinvestment (rather
than hedonistic enjoyment) of profits. The fine distinctions between the work
ethics of Catholicism, Lutheranism and Calvinism drawn in Weber’s essentially
ambiguous essay – which highlighted cultural affinities rather than drawing tight
causal connections – have provoked considerable subsequent controversy.
Attempts to refute Weber’s analysis by adducing instances of non-correlation
between Protestantism and the development of capitalism fail to do justice to the
subtlety of Weber’s approach; for any adequate causal account, key
combinations of elements were together necessary, and in other writings (such as
his
General Economic History
) Weber elucidated factors other than the purely
cultural. More materialist historians have seen the connections lying in the
opposite direction: people engaged in early capitalist activities were more likely
to find that Protestant orientations ‘spoke to their condition’ (to use the Quaker
phrase). Detailed historical analysis of any particular situation reveals the
considerable complexity of interrelationships between religious orientation and
economic action. In some cases, political persecution for religious beliefs forced
minority religious communities into certain sorts of economic activity. In other
cases, membership of a certain social class would have predisposed or socialised
individuals into adopting the cultural assumptions, style of life, and associated
religious practices of that class. Simple generalisations must be regarded with a
degree of flexibility, and a recognition that correlation does not always imply
causation.
Connections have also been drawn between Protestantism and politics. The
most prevalent generalisation in the German case is also the one perhaps least
sustainable: the notion that the Lutheran doctrine of obedience to authority
fostered an apolitical attitude on the part of subjects, in contrast to the Calvinist
doctrine of legitimate resistance to ungodly rule. In fact, however, theology can
be – and has been – interpreted in the light of circumstances to give rise to many
different patterns of political attitude and activity, within relatively broad limits
set by religious beliefs. More interesting are connections between patterns of
religious
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