Plate 8.
‘Passional Christi und Anti-Christi’, with woodcuts by Lukas Cranach the Elder. Part of a series
of Reformation prints contrasting Christ and Anti-Christ, the Pope – with all his pomp and ceremony –
being identified with Anti-Christ.
Some of the peasants’ leaders were not peasants but clergy; and some of the
supporters were not peasants but artisans and plebians, the lower ranks of the
urban population. Nor was it the most downtrodden, impoverished members of
the peasantry who revolted, but rather the more prosperous peasants who led the
revolts. A combination of political and economic grievances were involved,
arising from pressure on land and resources, greater differentiation and friction
within peasant communities, lords’ attempts to gain higher rents and entry fines,
and political encroachments on the autonomy of peasant communities (the
Gemeinde
). Also important was the religious ferment and questioning of all
authority promoted by the ‘Luther affair’, and encapsulated in the slogan of
‘godly law’. Reformation influence is for example evident in the ‘Twelve
Articles of the Swabian Peasantry’, adopted by the Memmingen Peasant
Parliament of March 1525. The first of these Articles demanded the right of a
community to elect its own pastor to preach the gospel, and to be maintained by
the great tithe, before subsequent Articles entered the nitty-gritty of demands
concerning labour services, leases, rents, use of resources, punishment of crimes,
and so on. The twelfth Article concluded that ‘all should be organised strictly
according to the Scriptures’, which were scoured throughout for appropriate
references in support of demands.
There were differences of programme and courses of action among rebels in
different areas. The Swabians were relatively moderate. In Franconia, peasants
attacked the privileges of nobles and clergy, in addition to demanding abolition
of feudal dues, and gained as allies the townspeople from Rothenburg-ob-der-
Tauber; the besieged canons of the Cathedral Chapter of Würzburg were
ultimately relieved by the princes. In Thuringia, by May 1525, Thomas Müntzer
had set up an egalitarian theocracy with a radical programme; but the projected
alliance of peasants, townspeople and miners was savagely suppressed and
Müntzer executed. Peasant attempts in the Upper Rhine area to negotiate a peace
were unsuccessful, and the peasants were slaughtered. Urban governments in
Imperial free cities in southern Germany were generally able to retain order,
while in the territorial towns to the north there was considerable urban unrest. In
Salzburg and the Habsburg domains, the last major surge of revolt occurred
under the leadership of Michael Gaismair in Tyrol, who in 1526 drafted the
‘Tyrolean Constitution’ for a republic based on a Christian egalitarianism.
The peasants and common townspeople participating in the uprisings had
been seeking social and economic change, based on notions of ‘godly law’
founded on the Bible: they upheld a scripturally based vision of a realisable
alternative secular order. This was neither a mediaeval utopian, millenarian
movement, nor a simple rebellion against abuses of the existing system, but
rather a failed social revolution. One of the consequences of its failure was a
further enhancement of the powers of territorial rulers. It is clear that the
Reformation played some role in the inspiration of the Peasants’ War; but the
latter also played a role in diverting the course of the Reformation. Luther
himself initially criticised both peasants and princes, in his ‘Admonition for
Peace’ of April 1525; but following a preaching tour south of the Harz, in the
course of which he was nearly killed, Luther wrote his incensed diatribe
‘Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants’. This effectively ended
the possibility of the Lutheran Reformation appealing equally to all social
classes: Luther employed the Scriptures to support his own social prejudices in
favour of a worldly order upheld by obedience to secular authority. From this
point on, egalitarian forms of Reformation would remain largely sectarian, in
opposition to Luther’s princely Reformation.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMAN REFORMATION
A number of princes adopted the Reformation for political and economic as well
as religious reasons: they were not averse to getting rid of papal jurisdiction and
taxation, nor to the secularisation of church properties (although many princes
gained less than is often supposed). By 1528, Lutheran rulers included Albrecht
von Hohenzollern in Prussia, Landgrave Philip of Hesse, the Margrave of
Brandenburg-Ansbach, Count Albrecht of Mansfeld, the Duke of Schleswig and
Duke Ernest of Brunswick-Lüneburg. Given the dynastic rivalries between
Hohenzollerns and Wettins, Saxony turned into a particularly important centre of
the Reformation. In some places, it was nobles and estates who pressured for
reform and were resisted by the princes, particularly in the Habsburg and
Wittelsbach lands. Many cities rapidly adopted the Reformation, including
Erfurt, Zwickau, Magdeburg, Nuremberg, Bremen, the Swiss city of Zurich,
Strasbourg, Frankfurt, and in 1534, Augsburg. By the early 1530s, around two-
thirds of Imperial cities had indicated their allegiance to evangelical principles.
There were variations in the course of the urban Reformation according to local
conditions and circumstances. In Nuremberg, for example, popular pressure
from below gave added weight to the city council’s inclination to accept the
Reformation; but dependence on long-distance trade necessitated the goodwill of
the Emperor and neighbouring Catholic princes; so Nuremberg did not go so far
as to join the militant Protestant League led by Philip of Hesse. A moderate
Reformation within the city walls allowed the council to appoint preachers and
control doctrine, while maintaining a conciliatory attitude towards important
Catholic powers outside the city. Other towns experienced a more radical
Reformation. Particularly violent were events in Münster. In 1534 the Anabaptist
John of Leyden became dictator in a theocracy characterised by common
ownership of property, intense communal regulation of personal life, polygamy
and terror. A siege ended finally in defeat for the Anabaptists, and a massacre
initiated by the princes. Anabaptism later became quietist and pacifist, an
inward-turning and apolitical form of religious community. In the Swiss town of
Zurich, a more radical social as well as religious Reformation was influenced by
Zwingli, who disagreed with Luther on a number of points, including
interpretation of the words ‘this is my body’ in the eucharist, leading to the Swiss
notion of communion as a symbolic memorial service in contrast to the more
literal Lutheran conception. In Geneva, the Frenchman John Calvin (1509–64)
developed an altogether more logical, rational system of theology. Calvinism
constituted a ‘second Reformation’ to complete what was perceived as only a
partially effected reformation under the first generation of reformers. While there
were different theological currents within Calvinism, it has chiefly come to be
seen as distinct from Lutheranism with respect to the key notion of
predestination. In Calvin’s view, not only could one not achieve salvation by
good works (as in the Catholic view); one could also not achieve it by faith (the
Lutheran view). Rather, the great omnipotent God had
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