Plate 25.
Borsig’s locomotive factory in Moabit, Berlin, 1855.
While a range of musical, sporting and cultural associations promoted
concepts of German cultural unity through festivals, shooting contests,
gymnastic events and other meetings, there was also the development of forms
of political organisation transcending state boundaries. In 1859 the National
Association (
Nationalverein
) was founded, providing a national forum for
liberal discussions even if it was more of a pressure group than a political party.
Cultural and educational associations for growing numbers of German industrial
workers preceded the formation, in 1863, of Lassalle’s General German
Workingmen’s Association (
Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein
) after initial
approaches to liberal leaders had been snubbed. This organisation owed nothing
to Marx and Engels, who – by now from the sidelines in London – were highly
critical of Lassalle’s étatist views. More in line with Marxist thinking was the
Social Democratic Labour Party founded in Eisenach in 1869 under the
influence of August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht. Despite initial rivalry
between these parties, merger in the face of increasing persecution was later
achieved in 1875 at Gotha. The Gotha programme, which included many
concessions to the Lassalleans, provoked heated criticism from Marx and
Engels. Divisions within the socialist camp in Germany were to continue for
many generations, as we shall see. Other developing political alignments in the
pre-unification period included crystallisations of conservative groups, and the
first beginnings of Catholic-clerical groupings in Prussia, Bavaria, and some
other states. Left-wing liberals in Prussia broke away to form the German
Progressive Party (
Deutsche Fortschrittspartei
) in June 1861.
More generally, in the 1850s and 1860s there was an expansion of education,
the spread of faith in science and progress, and the proliferation of educational
and cultural institutions such as museums, zoos, theatres and art galleries. A
solid bourgeois culture was becoming rooted in an increasingly powerful
economy. Yet there was an uncertainty hanging over its identity, not only in view
of the unresolved question of unification, but also in respect of national identity
and relations with past and future. This was evident even in the curious
architectural styles of such secular temples to progress as the grandiose railway
stations and pompous, quasi-mediaeval, banks and civic buildings built at this
time, not to mention the extraordinary fairy-tale palaces of the unstable King
Ludwig II of Bavaria. Yet at the same time, for the vast majority of ordinary
German people, life appeared to go on very much as before: those peasants who
were not affected by migration to the towns, or caught up in the wave of
emigration to America, lived their lives in large families, in relatively compact
communities usually dominated by the local church, easily unaware of or able to
ignore sea-changes occurring at the national level except when exceptional
events impinged upon the daily round.
What came as ‘unification’ in 1871 was less a result or expression of any
budding German nationalism than a form of Prussian expansionism and
colonisation of non-Prussian Germany, in rivalry with an excluded Austria.
Austria’s situation had been weakened by a number of developments in the
1850s, including the Crimean War and troubles in Italy. Increasingly, Austria
turned her attention towards Germany. But the capacity of an economically
backward Austria to mount a successful challenge to Prussia was by now
limited. While the outcome was by no means predetermined, in the course of the
1860s the sparring matches between these rival powers came, under the guiding
hand of Otto von Bismarck (who took over the nationalist card from the liberals
in order to resolve a Prussian domestic crisis), to be won by Prussia.
Bismarck was the son of a Prussian Junker, educated at Göttingen and Berlin
universities, and, although essentially bored by country life, proud of his Junker
status. After a brief career as a bureaucrat, Bismarck became a diplomat, and as
the Prussian representative at the Diet of the Confederation in Frankfurt
increasingly developed a competitive approach towards Austria. After periods in
St Petersburg and Paris, Bismarck was recalled to Prussia and appointed Prime
Minister in the context of a serious domestic constitutional crisis. The new
Prussian constitution of 1850 had included a three-class voting system based on
property taxes: the wealthy few who paid the top third of property taxes in their
constituency commanded one-third of the votes for an electoral college for the
Prussian parliament; the next group paying the middle third of property taxes (a
somewhat larger minority) controlled the next third of the votes; while the vast
majority of people who owned next to nothing and paid minimal property tax
were only able to cast the last third of the votes. Since voting power was relative
to the distribution of wealth on a constituency basis, minor provincial Junkers
were assured of political representation despite the fact that their means could
not compare with those of infinitely wealthier members of the Berlin
bourgeoisie. This skewed system of representation allowed conservative
Prussian Junkers to exert disproportional influence in Prussian politics, and with
the failure to reform it in the light of later rapid urbanisation, it protected the
power of an economically declining class until the eventual collapse of Imperial
Germany in 1918. However, in the course of the 1850s, with economic growth
and increasing urbanisation, it also provided the propertied liberal bourgeoisie
with a growing electoral voice. From 1860, there was a conflict between crown
and parliament over the issue of a proposed reform of the Prussian army under
Count von Roon. All agreed that with the population expansion since the last
army reforms in the early nineteenth century, some reform was needed; but the
liberals disapproved of the proposed demotion of the militia (
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