Plate 33.
A 1932 election poster for Hindenburg.
The political history of Germany in 1932–3 is a complex one of intrigues and
miscalculations. Brüning’s cabinet fell partly because of Brüning’s
mismanagement of Hindenburg’s humiliating re-election as President (after a
second ballot, in which Hitler had gained one-third of the votes). A key figure in
the machinations of the summer, autumn and winter was General von Schleicher,
who first engineered the short-lived government of von Papen. Von Papen raised
the ban instituted by Brüning’s government on the Nazi paramilitary SA and SS,
and then used the violence on the streets partly as a pretext to suggest that the
Prussian
Land
police were incapable of maintaining order, as a result of which
the Prussian SPD-led government was deposed and a central administrator
imposed on Prussia. In the elections of July 1932 the Nazis gained a staggering
230 seats, which, along with the eighty-nine seats held by the KPD, meant that
there was an anti-parliamentary majority not prepared to tolerate the government
of von Papen. Schleicher also played a role in unsuccessful negotiations with
Hitler over the inclusion of the Nazis in a new coalition government. In August
1932, Hitler turned down Hindenburg’s reluctant offer of the vice-chancellorship
– a move which provoked much criticism within the NSDAP, which feared that
Hitler had turned down a great chance which would not be presented again. In
September, the Papen government lost a motion of no confidence by 512 votes to
forty-two. On all sides, right-wing circles, industrial and agrarian elites, and
army leaders, as well as President Hindenburg, were considering strategies for
effectively abolishing parliamentary government, reinstalling the old elites in
power, and removing the constitutional necessity for parliamentary elections.
With mounting unemployment and violence on the streets, with clashes between
rival paramilitary gangs of left and right, with the effective emasculation of
parliament in which there was total deadlock, with bitter splits between
communists and Social Democrats who could not unite in opposition to Nazism,
Germany in the autumn of 1932 was verging on civil war. Yet curiously, the final
blow to Weimar democracy came just as the worst of the economic crisis was
beginning to pass, and as the popularity of the Nazis for the first time was in
decline. In the November elections of 1932 the NSDAP lost 2 million votes and
saw its parliamentary strength reduced to 196 deputies. It remained the largest
party in the Reichstag, but this in itself was no reason why it should
automatically lead a government, as the history of the SPD in the Weimar
Republic had shown.
Briefly, Schleicher himself became chancellor in December– January 1932–
3. He attempted to gain support from labour unions, as well as the radical wing
of the NSDAP represented by Gregor Strasser. This simultaneously aroused the
fears of industrialists and agrarians because of Schleicher’s labour-creation and
taxation schemes; nor did Strasser in the end respond favourably to Schleicher’s
overtures, ultimately resigning his party offices and withdrawing from the scene
of political strife. It was clear that Schleicher could as little cobble together a
workable compromise among different interests as could his predecessors. He
had also, perhaps unwisely, persuaded Hindenburg that the army would be
unable to keep order in the event of civil war developing. In January 1933, von
Papen initiated a series of discussions including Hitler, Hindenburg’s son, and
Hindenburg, in which great pressure was put on the ageing President by
industrial and agrarian interest groups (such as the Nazi-infiltrated
Reichslandbund
) to appoint Hitler as chancellor in a new coalition cabinet.
Reluctantly, at the end of January Hindenburg, who greatly despised this upstart
‘Bohemian corporal’, gave in. Hitler was constitutionally appointed chancellor
of Germany on 30 January 1933.
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