Plate 35.
Propaganda for Hitler celebrating the ‘Day of Potsdam’ and representing Hitler as a major
statesman and successor to Frederick II, sanctioned by Hindenburg.
Moves towards ‘co-ordination’ (
Gleichschaltung
– literally, ‘putting into the
same gear’) were taken in a wide range of spheres. The civil service was purged
of political opponents of Nazism, as well as Jews, in the ‘Law for the restoration
of the professional civil service’ of 7 April 1933. The powers of the different
Länder
were attacked by the Nazi seizure of local powers in March 1933, and in
April ten so-called ‘Reich Governors’ (
Reichsstatthalter
) were appointed to
assert Nazi power at the
Land
level. In May, trade unions were wound up and
replaced by the ‘German Labour Front’ (DAF) under Robert Ley. Walter Darré
took control of the ‘Reich Food Estate’ dealing with agriculture and the
peasantry, while craftsmen and small traders were organised under an umbrella
organisation, the HAGO. On 30 January 1934, one year after Hitler’s
appointment as chancellor, the
Reichsrat
(upper chamber of parliament) was
abolished and the federal system terminated. The final major constitutional
change came with the death of President Hindenburg on 2 August 1934. Hitler
made use of the occasion to combine the offices of President and Chancellor in
his own person as Führer, and to take personal command of the armed forces,
who now swore an oath of obedience to him.
The new, personal allegiance of the army to Hitler was made easier by
Hitler’s decision to resolve conflicts with the SA in favour of the army. The SA,
under its leader Ernst Röhm, had been developing into a rather unruly rival for
both the SS and the army. Aware that he vitally needed the support of the latter
for his revisionist and expansionist foreign policies, Hitler instigated the so-
called ‘night of the long knives’ on 30 June 1934, in which leaders of the SA
were murdered along with a number of other individuals with whom Hitler had
fallen out (including Schleicher and Gregor Strasser). This mass murder was
retroactively ‘legalised’ by a law passed on 3 July 1934. The SA was firmly put
in its place, in relation not only to the army, but also to the SS. The latter, under
Heinrich Himmler – who by 1936 had combined control of the SS and the
German police, effectively concentrating control of the means of terror in the
Third Reich – was able to arrest, detain, imprison, torture and murder, with no
respect for law or justice. In March 1933 the first Nazi concentration camp was
opened in Dachau, near Munich – to much public fanfare, with open and
enthusiastic newspaper coverage. This was essentially a detention centre and
forced-labour camp, in which ‘anti-social elements’ (including political
opponents of the regime and homosexuals, as well as ‘criminals’ more
conventionally defined) were subjected to a penal regime. While inhumane
treatment, torture, malnutrition, ill-health and overwork as well as outright
murder were all causes of death, these labour camps (which proclaimed on their
gates the slogan that ‘Arbeit macht frei’, ‘work liberates’) were not
extermination centres in the sense of those established solely or primarily for
purposes of killing after 1941. Fear of arrest, and fear of informers, led to a
frightened public conformity on the part of many Germans, who were forced to
lead a double life, expressing their real views only in complete privacy.
At the same time as coercing the German people into conformity, measures
were taken to attempt to obtain their consent to, and support for, the new national
socialist community. Measures were partly ideological, partly practical. For
those not excluded from the new ‘people’s community’ (
Volksgemeinschaft
) –
for those apolitical Aryans, with no Jewish blood or political antipathy – life
could be made relatively comfortable in the peacetime years of Nazi Germany.
An economic upswing which had started already before Hitler came to power
was given further impetus by Nazi workcreation schemes (autobahn building,
general construction works, and increasingly projects connected with
rearmament). Nazi economic policies were geared both to autarky and to
preparation for war, as well as to consumer satisfaction, objectives that were not
always mutually compatible. There is some debate about the connections
between Nazi economic policies and economic recovery, as well as about their
effects on different groups in the population. Rearmament policies after 1936,
for example, on some accounts may have actually slowed down the pace of
economic recovery. Furthermore, the increased concentration of capital
represented a continuation of tendencies prevalent before the Nazis came to
power, further complicating analysis of causes and effects. It should be noted
that certain developments were at odds with some of the pre-1933 Nazi ideology,
such as the proclaimed hostility to large department stores and the emphasis on
the rural virtues of ‘blood and soil’ – positions which were hard to combine with
the industrial requirements of rearmament. One thing is however quite clear:
unemployment was rapidly reduced, so that by the late 1930s there was instead a
labour shortage. In contrast to the uncertainties and hardship of the Weimar
years, the Nazi dictatorship was associated for many Germans with a secure
income and an improved standard of living, however qualified by restrictions on
personal freedom.
There was also a range of schemes designed to inculcate a sense of
harmonious, regenerated national community healing the wounds of Weimar’s
conflicts. Programmes such as
Schönheit der Arbeit
(the beauty of labour) and
Kraft durch Freude
(strength through joy), with organised leisure activities and
holiday trips for workers, and an emphasis on the notion of community even at
the factory level, sought to infuse Germans with a new spirit and enthusiasm
inculcated at work. Meanwhile, Goebbels’ curiously entitled Ministry of Popular
Enlightenment and Propaganda (created in March 1933) pumped out material
designed both as light entertainment or diversion and as political indoctrination.
The press and radio were co-opted, and the education system transformed into an
instrument of Nazi socialisation. The burning of books by left-wing, Jewish and
other ‘un-German’ authors on 10 May 1933, instigated by Nazi activists and
presided over by Goebbels, symbolised the Nazi attempt to purge from German
minds all views except their own. A range of social organisations, such as the
Hitler Youth (HJ) and League of German Girls (BDM), and the Nazi women’s
organisations, sought to incorporate different sections of society into the new
community, while the multiplicity of preexisting German organisations were
outlawed, dissolved, or taken over by the Nazis. The notion of a regenerated
national community under the saviourfigure of Adolf Hitler was further
propagated by symbolic displays of power and unity, through the mass rituals,
parades, and depiction of crowds of adoring Germans raising their arms in the
Heil
salute as Hitler passed.
The monolithic image promoted by the Nazis had a certain element of truth
in it, and the notion of a charismatic Führer above all the local conflicts and
frictions of everyday life represented a powerful element of cohesion. Local
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