Plate 36.
A delegation of the Nazi girls’ organisation, the Bund Deutscher M¨adel, honour the Nazi
heroes who fell in the 1923 putsch, at the Feldherrnhalle in Munich.
At the level of popular opinion, too, the picture is more complex than at first
sight might be thought. While there was a hard core of convinced Nazis, many
more joined party organisations after March 1933 out of opportunistic motives,
while others remained aloof even at the cost of their professional careers or their
family’s livelihood. People did not swallow a ‘Nazi ideology’ (which was in any
event not very consistent or coherent) wholesale; rather, they sympathised with
certain elements – such as promotion of German national greatness and revision
of the Treaty of Versailles – while criticising other elements, particularly if they
were personally, materially affected by, for example, some aspect of economic
policy. Many peasants, to take one illustration, had supported the Nazi emphasis
on ‘blood and soil’ before 1933; but they soon became disenchanted with certain
Nazi agrarian policies, such as the Entailed Farm Law which stipulated that
medium-sized farms could only be inherited by a single heir, of German Aryan
stock, and not be divided among heirs. Public opinion was fragmented: people
on the whole lived on a very day-to-day level, grumbling or applauding on
particular issues but failing to develop a sense of the whole. There was also a
widespread lack of interest in the fate of others, once they were removed from
the immediate vicinity.
This restricted focus of interest, to areas of direct concern and immediate
relevance, affected even the churches, whose record in the Third Reich is
ambiguous. The Protestant churches – whose members had provided a
disproportionate share of the Nazi vote – soon split between the pro-Nazi
‘German Christians’ and the anti-Nazi ‘Confessing Church’, among whose
number were some highly courageous opponents of Nazism such as Dietrich
Bonhoeffer. Yet while the Nazis had to abandon their early plans to subvert the
church for Nazism and install a Reich Bishop, the reactions of most Protestants
to the regime remained mixed. Nazi attacks on denominational schools and
attempts to reorganise church structure were resisted, but many Protestants
shared anti-communist sentiments and conservative-nationalist goals with the
Nazis. The Catholic community, with its transcendent loyalty to Rome, was
initially more resilient to the attractions of Nazism, and perhaps its ‘total’
ideology and emphasis on community provided better protection against Nazism
than did Protestant individualism. Yet in the main Catholics no more provided an
effective bastion against Nazism than did Protestants. Reassured initially by the
Concordat concluded between the Nazi government and the Vatican in July
1933, German Catholics slowly came to resist Nazi encroachments on their
religion, such as the removal of crucifixes from classrooms in confessional
schools. But they very firmly distinguished between ‘religious’ matters, in which
it was proper and permissible to resist Nazi policies, and ‘political’ affairs which
were no concern of the church. This self-limitation meant that while church
leaders did in fact protest against the Nazi ‘euthanasia’ programme, in which
many Germans (including of course Catholics) were killed because of mental
disability or subnormality, they failed to protest against the treatment of the
Jews. While remaining to an extent alienated from the regime, potential Catholic
opposition was limited by a restrictive legalism in their separation of ‘religion’
and ‘politics’, the sphere of the church and that of the state; the same was also
true of Protestants, who even had Luther to appeal to on this point.
The German people were thus subjected to a mixture of coercion and
consent, as well as to changed experiences and circumstances, changed material
and social conditions, in the course of the prewar years, which led to a mixture
of grumbling and support, approval and dissent, on different issues and at
different times. But there were some who had little freedom to be so ambivalent:
there were those who were to be excluded form the new national community,
and were only too well aware of its dark side. Left-wingers early found
themselves rounded up and imprisoned, or forced to go underground; resistance
was extremely hazardous and clandestine. Others were discriminated against
because of their racial heritage or personal practices: Jews, gypsies and
homosexuals were singled out for harsh treatment, while the Slavic peoples were
denigrated. Jewish policy in the 1930s was characterised by a series of more or
less ad hoc measures: the attempted boycott of Jewish shops and businesses in
April 1933, the exclusion of Jews from the civil service and certain professions,
the ‘Nuremberg Laws’ of 1935 depriving them of citizenship rights and
imposing restrictions on marriages between Jews and gentiles, the ‘night of
broken glass’ (
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