parties in the Soviet zone were also being ‘co-ordinated’ and brought under the
effective control of the SED.
In the meantime, radical socioeconomic changes had also been effected in
the Soviet zone. One of the earliest measures was land reform: all large agrarian
estates (over one hundred hectares), and those belonging to former Nazis, were
expropriated, and the land was redistributed, partly to small peasants and
landless labourers, partly to refugees from the east, and partly taken into state
ownership. Large industries, mining and banking were nationalised, and
measures were taken which were detrimental to the continued existence of small
private enterprise, which was gradually squeezed out of the economy. These
measures were legitimised in a variety of ways: the expropriation of Nazis and
war criminals was a selfevident justification; there was also the wider argument
that it was ‘monopoly capitalism’ as a socioeconomic system that had given rise
to Nazism, and that denazification thus required the transformation of capitalism
itself; and there was also a plebiscite in Saxony which produced a majority in
support of certain nationalisation measures, which were then instituted in other
areas as well. At the same time, the Soviet Union was extracting huge
reparations from its zone. At first, machinery and stock was simply removed to
the Soviet Union; when this proved inefficient, certain enterprises within the
Soviet zone were taken into Soviet ownership as Soviet Joint Stock Companies
(SAGs), and their profits appropriated. By 1949, the Soviet zone had undergone
what amounted to a major transformation in political, economic and social life:
under communist control, the historically significant Junker class and the large
capitalists had completely lost their material bases of existence; a radical
restructuring of industry and agriculture was underway; and the communist-
dominated SED, backed by the Soviet Military Administration, had achieved a
predominance in political life, effectively sabotaging any attempt at introducing
genuine democracy in post-Nazi East Germany.
While denazification in the Soviet zone was fairly radical, in terms of both
structural transformation and turnover of personnel, denazification in the western
zones was a case of cumbersome bureaucracy, relative inefficiency, and
unintended consequences. From an early, punitive concept of ‘collective guilt’
there rapidly developed a more discriminatory set of policies, although it was
never entirely clear whether the basic aim was to cleanse Germany of Nazis, or
to cleanse Nazis of the taint of Nazism; and if the latter, whether denazification
was to be punitive or re-educational. In the event, categorisation of Germans into
five groups, ranging from ‘major offenders’ through to ‘exonerated’, on the basis
of answers to a lengthy questionnaire, developed into something of a
bureaucratic nightmare. It also led Germans to try to excuse and cover up their
pasts, rather than genuinely confront their degrees of complicity in the Third
Reich. Despite many grumblings, including the complaint that the ‘big fish’ got
away while the ‘lesser fry’ were unfairly punished, by and large former Nazis
were slowly reincorporated into West German life, with the exception of major
war criminals, some of whom were dealt with at the Nuremberg trials (in which
all the victorious Allies co-operated) and some of whom faced trial at a later
date. While generally political apathy and concern for material survival
prevailed, the major political parties of the post-war period were founded or
refounded. The Social Democratic Party (SPD) rapidly reformed itself, and
under the leadership of Kurt Schumacher strongly opposed the activities of the
communists. Members of the old Catholic Centre Party joined with Protestants
in the new Christian Democratic Union (CDU), a party which was common to
both the Soviet and western zones, and which had a sister party, the Christian
Social Union (CSU), in Bavaria. A range of liberal parties were founded in
different regions, which eventually merged to become the Free Democratic Party
(FDP) nationally. In addition, there was a multiplicity of small parties,
representing specific regions, issues or constituencies (such as refugees from lost
eastern territories). The main political battle was however between the CDU and
the SPD, with the latter initially appearing the stronger.
While no radical measures of socioeconomic transformation were undertaken
in the western zones of occupied Germany, the Allies did in effect block
proposed measures of socialisation and held western Germany to a capitalist
market economy. Attempts were also made to split up some of Germany’s
economic concentration, with pressures for decartelisation. France was the most
ruthless in extracting reparations from its zone. Britain relatively early – April
1946 at the latest – realised that it was going to have to import foodstuffs into its
predominantly industrial zone to avert the very real threat of mass starvation.
The USA very soon came to share Britain’s new view of the importance of the
reconstruction, rather than destruction, of Germany’s economy. There was not
only the problem of feeding and in many cases rehousing the indigenous
population: western Germany was flooded by refugees and expellees from the
lost eastern territories, who had fled from the Red Army in the closing months of
the war or delayed long enough to be forcibly expropriated by new post-war
administrations. Many, after a long and weary trek (which the very old, very
young, and weaker members might not survive), landed up in western zones of
Germany expecting to find some sort of shelter and livelihood. The
overcrowding and shortages caused by their presence exacerbated already
difficult post-war conditions. For many Germans, the dictated introduction of
‘democracy’ was, as after the First World War, associated with national defeat,
political humiliation, and social and economic dislocation – perhaps on an even
greater scale than after 1918. That democracy was to be more successful on the
second attempt had to do with a number of circumstances to be considered
below.
Whatever the controversies over responsibility for the Cold War, it seems
clear that it was not from the Soviet side that the eventual division of Germany
was initiated. Stalin appeared for a long time – even up until 1952 – to be
keeping his options open with respect to Germany, whatever his position on
other states in Europe. Rather, it was the changes in western policy which largely
precipitated the establishment of two German Republics in 1949. There had from
the start been disagreements over what to do with post-Nazi Germany, not only
between the western powers and the USSR, but also between and even within
each of the western governments. However, after early confusions in policy
formation – with vestiges of the discarded and draconian ‘Morgenthau Plan’ for
the deindustrialisation of Germany still informing the initial American policy
document JCS 1067 – a major shift can be clearly discerned in western policies
towards occupied Germany from 1946–7. This shift from earlier punitive views
to a generous notion of reconstruction was both symbolised and given material
expression in the Marshall Plan, announced in June 1947, for the reconstruction
of post-war Europe. This plan envisaged the economic and political
reconstruction of Europe in directions that would benefit America’s new
international role, with its ‘open door’ policies and search for markets, as well as
its ‘Truman doctrine’ of stemming the rising tide of communism and perceived
Soviet expansionism in Europe. Offered on terms that were designed to elicit
refusal on the part of non-market economies under Soviet influence, the
Marshall Plan represented a major step in dissociating western Germany from
the Soviet zone, and incorporating it in a wider network of western European
economic and political organisations in the emerging Cold War.
In January 1947 the British and American zones had fused to become a
‘Bizone’, which, developed its own quasi-government, the Economic Council.
The Soviet zone in response set up the German Economic Commission, similarly
a proto-governmental organisation. The French, who had been pursuing a rather
independent line over a number of issues, were eventually brought into co-
operation with the British and Americans. The administration of the economic
aid in western Germany required a currency reform, since the old Reichsmark
was virtually without value in what was essentially a black-market economy
where cigarettes and chocolate were effective units of currency in addition to
basic barter and exchange of goods and services. The currency reform of June
1948, introducing the Deutschmark, was offered on terms that the Soviets would
not accept. As well as introducing their own separate currency, the Soviets made
use of this pretext to attempt to cut off the western Allies from access to Berlin,
sited in the heart of the Soviet zone, by closing all land and water access to that
city. The western Allies fought the Berlin blockade by means of an air-lift, flying
in essential supplies right through the autumn, winter and spring of 1948–9. In
one stroke, the former bastion of Prussian nationalism and Nazi militarism had
become a symbol of western freedom and democracy, to be protected at all costs.
The air-lift symbolised the dramatic transformation of western policies towards
their part of Germany: western Germany, no longer a defeated nation of
despicable Nazis, was to become a democratic ally in the fight against
‘totalitarianism’ and communism in the developing Cold War. From the summer
of 1948, constitutional deliberations were held to work out a constitution for a
new state in the western part of Germany. After an assembly of delegates from
the different regions (
Länder
) had approved the new constitution (with the
exception of the separatistically inclined Bavarians), the Federal Republic of
Germany was formally founded in May 1949, four years after the collapse of
Hitler’s Third Reich. Whatever its suppressed and hidden problems, the West
German state was destined to become a partner in the developing network of
western political and economic alliances in the changed post-war world. In large
measure as a direct response, the German Democratic Republic was formally
founded in the Soviet zone a few months later, in October 1949.
FROM ESTABLISHMENT TO CONSOLIDATION
Initially, the constitutions of the two Germanies resembled each other quite
closely. Both had Presidents as formal heads of state, in addition to political
leaders of government (Chancellor in the west, Prime Minister in the east); both
had lower chambers of parliament theoretically representing the people as a
result of national elections, and upper chambers representing the regions (
Länder
). Neither constitution prescribed a particular form of social and economic
system. The constitution of the Federal Republic was, indeed, so tentative as to
call itself not a constitution but a ‘Basic Law’ (
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