parties and mass organisations represented in parliament had a certain number of
seats pre-allotted to them, and in which the SED had effective control.
Subsequent developments were to increase the differences between the two
constitutions, as we shall see further below.
Although very real, the division of Germany was not conceived as
irreversible. The existence of two Germanies only became consolidated in a
series of stages: the failure of reunification initiatives in 1951; the incorporation
into a range of economic, political and military alliances in east and west
respectively in the course of the 1950s, and the regaining of full sovereignty in
1955; the building of the Berlin Wall in August 1961, when division was literally
sealed in concrete, with the closing off of the last means of escape from east to
west; the Ostpolitik of the early 1970s, which culminated in mutual recognition
in 1972 and entry as full members of the United Nations in 1973; and the
development of relations between the two German states in the later 1970s and
1980s, which were distinctively different from relations between any other two
separate and sovereign states. The question of German division was then
reopened in a startling manner with the East German revolution of autumn 1989
and the opening of the Berlin Wall.
After elections held in August 1949, the CDU emerged as the largest party in
the new West German parliament (
Bundestag
). The first West German
Chancellor was Konrad Adenauer, a wily Catholic and former mayor of Cologne
in the Weimar Republic, who had kept an acceptably low profile during the
Third Reich. He was voted Chancellor only by a majority of one vote, after
considerable preliminary arm-twisting to achieve the support of FDP deputies,
whose nominee, Theodor Heuss, was to become the first President of the Federal
Republic. From an initial reliance on coalitions, Adenauer triumphantly led the
CDU to outright victory with a majority of the popular vote in 1957. Adenauer
only finally retired, after fourteen years in power, at the grand old age of eighty-
seven in 1963. Adenauer’s rather high-handed chancellorship (which gave the
name to a new political concept, ‘Chancellor-democracy’) essentially set the
path for West Germany’s post-war development. Adenauer determinedly
presided over the western integration of a partial, divided state, as well as over
the less controversial, more universally acclaimed ‘economic miracle’ associated
with his Economics Minister Ludwig Erhard. Adenauer’s firm commitment to
western integration – whatever his formal mouthing of sentiments about
reunification – was in line with American policies for the post-war economic,
political and military integration of western Europe as a bulwark against
communism. In October 1949, the Federal Republic became a member of the
Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC); in April 1951 West
Germany entered the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and in May
became a full member of the Council of Europe; and in 1957, in the Treaty of
Rome, West Germany became a founder member of the European Economic
Community (EEC). In 1955 the Occupation Statute lapsed and West Germany
gained full sovereignty, becoming a full member of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO), which had been founded in 1949. Despite considerable
domestic opposition, constitutional amendments were introduced to permit the
Federal Republic to have an army and conscription for military service in 1956.
While West Germany was thus in the process of being readmitted to the
community of nations, it simultaneously experienced a remarkable economic
recovery. From the ruins of a defeated and devastated nation grew a materialistic
society witnessing astonishing rates of growth and productivity, and
conveniently suppressing the past by focussing on the task of building a
prosperous future. Former Nazis were relatively easily integrated into the new
conservative Germany of the 1950s, with its transitional ideology of anti-
communism and its material successes giving a pragmatic legitimacy to the new
democracy.
In East Germany, political and socioeconomic transformations continued. In
1952 the
Länder
were abolished, and replaced by smaller regions (
Bezirke
)
which were more easily controlled from the centre. In 1958 the upper chamber
of parliament, which represented the
Länder
, was somewhat belatedly
abolished. The SED itself underwent a series of purges, such that the position of
its party leader, Walter Ulbricht, emerged considerably strengthened. Following
a poorly prepared introduction of new economic policies, when concessions for
some groups were announced at the same time as increased work norms for
others, there was a popular expression of discontent with the regime, involving a
widespread strike on 17 June 1953. This uprising, which originated in economic
protest but which rapidly expressed wider political dissatisfaction, started to
fizzle out even before a display of force by Soviet tanks put a definitive end to
what was an essentially leaderless expression of protest, rather than a potential
revolution. The uprising precipitated a purge of many members of the SED –
frequently former Social Democrats – and ironically confirmed Ulbricht’s
position in power – which had been seriously under question in Moscow. It also,
paradoxically, put an end to real hopes of reunification of the two Germanics,
and confirmed the unwillingness of the west to risk an international crisis by
interfering with East German affairs, in effect seeming content to abandon East
Germans to their fate. (Serious research has not upheld official East German
attempts to blame the uprising on western ‘agents provocateurs’; and the western
powers did little more than observe and report on the uprising, giving no notable
support to the East German population in their protest.) Ulbricht undertook
further actions against individuals opposing his rather hardline policies, with the
trial and imprisonment of Wolfgang Harich and his group in 1956, and the
exclusion of an opposing faction in the Politburo in 1958. Ulbricht thus
effectively removed all serious internal opposition to his rather Stalinist brand of
socialism – which remained hard-line even after the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union officially denounced Stalinism in 1956 (although there were
experiments with economic reforms and a degree of liberalisation in policies
concerning youth, workers and culture in the period 1963 to 1965).
Meanwhile, further measures of economic reform were undertaken.
Agriculture was collectivised in two main phases in 1952–3 and 1959–60. While
some concessions were made to consumers in the wake of the 1953 uprising, the
emphasis in industrial production continued to be on heavy industry. A series of
unrealistic plans were successively pronounced, revised, and abandoned. Despite
the brief hopes aroused when West Germany’s growth momentarily faltered, it
was clear by the beginning of the 1960s that East Germany’s centralised
economy was not a serious rival for West Germany’s material success. Seeing
the astonishingly rapid economic growth and new affluence in the west, which
was associated not with political repression but relative personal freedom (even
the freedom to be apolitical), many East Germans in the 1950s chose to vote
with their feet. While the main border with West Germany was closed, it was
still possible to cross from East Berlin to West Berlin – with very few
possessions, of course, so as not to arouse suspicion – and to leave from there for
West Germany. While the number of refugees prepared to abandon their homes
each year varied, throughout the 1950s a damaging drain of manpower affected
the GDR’s economy, as a flood of predominantly skilled younger males left the
drab, dispiriting and constraining atmosphere of the GDR to seek a better future
in the west.
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