Plate 39.
Although the railway lines are grassing over, and the remains of the gas chambers are falling
into weed-covered rubble-holes – with passing Polish peasants going about their business much as they
did when the smoke still rose from the crematoria – Auschwitz-Birkenau casts a shadow over German
history which cannot be erased.
Despite a German counter-offensive in the winter of 1944–5, by the spring of
1945 it was clear to Germany’s leaders that the war was lost. Hitler’s ‘scorched-
earth’ policy exacerbated the destruction of Germany: Hitler instructed his
people to fight to the last, never to surrender and to leave nothing to the victors
to inherit. Hitler’s view was that if the German people were not strong enough to
win, then they did not deserve to survive at all. Hitler, too, went down with the
country he had led to ruin. In a sort of Wagnerian
Götterdämmerung
, in his
bunker under the ruins of Berlin, with the advancing Russian army ever closer,
Hitler married his longtime faithful friend, Eva Braun, on 29 April 1945; and on
30 April they committed suicide. Their remains were incinerated by members of
Hitler’s entourage. On 2 May Berlin capitulated to the Russians, and on 7–8 May
the unconditional surrender of Germany was signed. A brief provisional
government under Dönitz was dissolved on 23 May, and the occupying powers
assumed supreme power in Germany. Hitler’s Thousand-Year Reich had ended
in ruins and ashes, after twelve years which had profoundly affected the course
of history. The Nazi ‘national awakening’ and ‘revolution’ had ultimately
achieved only genocide and suicide; millions lay dead, the destruction was
almost immeasurable; the credibility of the old German elites had been
destroyed, the cycle of tensions from Imperial Germany brought to a halt; but it
was far from clear, in the devastated conditions of Germany in May 1945, what
form the future could possibly take.
7
The two Germanies, 1945–90
◈
THE CREATION OF THE TWO GERMANIES
In 1945, Germany lay in ruins. The people of Germany, war-weary and
concerned for an uncertain future, eked out an existence amidst the rubble and
debris of the collapsed Reich. No-one – not even the occupying powers – was at
this time certain what the future would hold. Yet, in the course of the next four
decades, two very different Germanies emerged. In the west, the Federal
Republic of Germany developed into a politically stable and economically
prosperous capitalist democracy; in the east, the German Democratic Republic
proved to be economically the most productive state in the communist bloc, and,
until the Gorbachev era of the late 1980s, one of the Soviet Union’s most reliable
supporters and allies. Considering the turbulent past of these two Germanies, this
double transformation, into two such different political and socioeconomic
systems, is all the more remarkable.
Initially, the Allies were unsure and divided over their plans for Germany’s
future. War-time discussions in Teheran (1943) and Yalta (February 1945) had
produced agreement that Germany should be divided into zones of occupation;
and at the latter conference it was agreed that France should have her own zone,
in addition to those of Britain, the USA and the USSR. Disagreements were
already becoming apparent between the Soviets and the western powers on the
issues of reparations and of the western frontiers of a reconstituted Poland.
These differences were merely papered over at the Potsdam Conference of July–
August 1945, when the Americans, British and Soviets agreed in principle on the
general sweep of desirable policy – that Germany should be denazified,
demilitarised and democratised – but failed to achieve specific, workable policy
proposals that could be effected uniformly across the different zones of
occupation. Since Germany, after her unconditional surrender on 8 May, was an
occupied country without its own government, there could at this time be no
peace treaty. Pending such a final treaty, the western frontier of Poland was for
the time being accepted, for administrative purposes, as running down along the
Oder and western Neisse rivers. ‘Germany’ was thus effectively moved
westwards, with lost eastern territories becoming incorporated into Poland –
which itself moved westwards, losing territory in the east – and the Soviet
Union. An Allied Control Council in Berlin (which was to be under four-power
control) was to coordinate policies in the different zones. Reparations were to be
taken by each power separately from its own zone, except that the Soviet
Union’s great losses were to be recompensed by additional reparations from the
western zones, part of which were however to be exchanged for foodstuffs from
the largely agricultural Soviet zone. The conference was concluded with a
loosely phrased ‘Protocol of Proceedings’. France, although receiving a zone of
occupation, was not present at the Potsdam Conference, and subsequently felt
less than firmly bound by its decisions. The decisions were, however, for the
most part so vague and general that a wide latitude of interpretation was possible
in any case for the occupying powers.
Map 13.
Divided Germany after 1945
Divergences rapidly became apparent between the different zones of
occupation. The most radical changes were initially effected in the Soviet zone.
The relicensing of political parties was rapidly introduced, largely to legitimise
the activities of the already energetic German Communist Party (KPD).
Moscow-trained German communists, under the leadership of Walter Ulbricht,
had already been flown into Berlin at the end of April 1945. They quickly sought
to establish control over local political affairs, and with the backing of the Soviet
Military Administration (SMAD) were able to wield influence out of proportion
to their numbers. Although they had initially resisted initiatives from the German
Social Democrats (SPD) for closer cooperation, it became clear to the KPD by
the autumn of 1945 that they were not going to achieve a mass political base on
their own. After rather constrained discussions in the winter of 1945, a forced
merger took place between the KPD and the SPD in the Soviet zone in April
1946, when the so-called Socialist Unity Party (SED) was created. Initially
supporting the notion of a ‘German road to socialism’, and welcoming the co-
operation of all ‘anti-Fascist forces’ in a popular democratic front, by 1948 the
SED had been transformed into a communist-dominated, Stalinist ‘Party of a
New Type’. Other parties active in the Soviet zone included the Christian
Democratic Union (CDU), which – as in the western zones – represented a new
Christian party attempting to unite Catholics who would formerly have
supported the Centre Party with bourgeois and right-wing Protestants, and the
Liberal Democratic Party of Germany (LDPD). The communists themselves
organised the foundation of two further parties, the Peasants’ Party (DBD) and
the Nationalists (NDPD), to incorporate certain potentially disaffected
constituencies and to split support for the conservative parties. By 1948 all the
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